CHAPTER V
THE DEVELOPMENT OF GREEK AND JUDEO-CHRISTIAN PHILOSOPHY:
Bases for Ways to God
INTRODUCTION
The archeology of human thinking described in the preceding three chapters support Iqbal’s sense of the essentially religious character of thought. He is concerned to protect religion against the tendency of analytic rationality to reduce the mind to its empirical content and to bind it exclusively to physical reality, or at least to what could be conceived clearly and distinctly by the human mind. Iqbal’s approach was to show the limited character of such a view, not only in terms of its objects, but especially as a description of thought itself. He did this by majestically describing the broad (religious) reaches of the mind. For this he reinterpreted time, light and freedom in ways that echoed the thought of such of his contemporaries as Bergson, Whitehead, Alexander, Royce and Einstein. He much enriched their thought with the cultural resources of the Islamic tradition. This is a special power and grace of Iqbal’s thought.
There is here a significant contrast to al-Ghaz
~l§ whose Munqidh I much admire. In describing his itinerary to the mystical life, al-Ghaz~l§ considered thought to be limited and therefore in the end to be inadequate or even subversive of religious life. This opinion implied a rupture of thought and faith which even Averroes (Ibn Rashd) was not able to repair. In our times this has become particularly worrisome, for the Enlightenment has radicalized that gulf by reducing all thought rigorously to contrary, and hence limited, concepts: the modern world in which we live has been built in terms of these clear and distinct concepts. It should not be surprising, indeed it is a point of honor, that Islam always has stood firmly against such "enlightenment". Some have reacted by rejecting modernity en bloc — even at times violently and self-destructively.Iqbal’s response is different. He is eloquent in his exposition of the essential importance of limited, categorial thought, precisely in its own sphere, and reaches out to welcome the positive contributions of modernity. But he also gives even greater voice to the infinitely richer domains of thought grounded in the divine. Thus the divine appears, as it were dimly, as the background of every limited human encounter; human life becomes theonomous and can be seen in its transcendent significance. For Iqbal, when related to their infinite ground, science and technology become concrete manifestations and articulations of the meaning of God in time.
But, as he warms to this subject in his Reconstruction, Iqbal edges ever closer to that mystical vision of Hallaj (the misunderstood Islamic mystic executed for blasphemy) in which all is so suffused with divine light and meaning that man and nature seem almost divine. Iqbal reacts against any identification of the two; with the full force of the Islamic tradition of fidelity, he would answer: ‘Never; there is but one God and no other!’
In this lies the contemporary drama of Islam, as of all religious visions, for man today is intent upon an answer to the question: "how is he to be understood?" Note, this is not the question of how God could create our world of finite beings. The answer to that question is hidden in divine love which we must seek to acknowledge (as we shall suggest below). But we can never comprehend that love, for such understanding could only be the divine life itself. Rather, the question is how, in view of God’s love, can we overcome the hubris by which the human ego claims to be absolute, and yet at the same time understand the reality of the human person as having the autonomy required for the responsibility and creativity required in order to survive and flourish. How can men and women come truly alive so as to recognize themselves not as God, but in His image, and thereby be enabled to undertake the creative exercise of their proper freedom and responsibility? This is a point of high metaphysics on which I would like to suggest a way to carry forward Iqbal’s work as a way to God.
We all know and greatly admire the work of such Islamic scholars as Al Farabi, Avicenna and Averroes in drawing upon and developing the Greek philosophical heritage. This is part of our common heritage which, however, was interrupted in Islam. After the interchange between al-Ghaz
~l§ and Averroes this Graeco-Islamic effort was broadly abandoned. In the metaphysical quest the relay was passed to another religious tradition, that of such Western Christian philosophers of the high Middle Ages as Thomas Aquinas, John Duns Scotus and their schools.Iqbal suggests two reasons why the path of Aristotle and Averroes was found to be finally inimicable to the Islamic vision. First, the notion of an immortal agent intellect stood in the way of the value and destiny of the human ego,
1 and hence of the recognition and development of one’s full personal spirituality and responsibility; second, the orientation to high metaphysical theory diverged from the concrete inductive orientation of Islam.2 As the concrete point in time at which Islam abandoned Greek thought was that of the dispute over the agent intellect, it seems best to begin with that issue.Here one could wonder whether the Islamo-Greek tradition was abandoned just a bit too soon, for Aquinas’s fully religious response to the problems which worried al-Ghaz
~l§ would follow within the century in the Christian tradition of scholarship. It would enable the Greek tradition to evolve into modern thought. In view of this a project of reconstruction in Islam could find the work of Thomas Aquinas particularly interesting as part of its effort to discover how Islamic thought, such as that of Iqbal, can be at home in contemporary times and creative in the new millennium. Any such insights would, in turn, be of great interest to other religious traditions, each of which is struggling with this issue in its own way.Hermeneutics tells us that in approaching an issue we need a question in order to focus our attention and to be able to draw out new insight. This concerns existence and its implication for creation, and hence for the path or way of a systematic metaphysics to the Source and Goal, the Alpha and Omega, of all.
GREEK PHILOSOPHY OF PARTICIPATION
IN THE ABSOLUTE
The PreSocratics: The Initiation of Western Philosophy
This way to God has long roots in the human cultural tradition to which we must return in order to be able to understand how the philosophical ways grow out of the totemic, mythic and ritual traditions sketched in Chapters II, III and IV. In Chapter I we saw how a process of development takes place when a need arises, and that the development will be relatively minor if the need can be resolved by competencies already possessed. When, however, a new competency must be evoked and developed a dramatic shift in human cultures can occur. This would appear to be the case as the intellect steps beyond the mythic pictures drawn by the imagination to proper terms that state directly the realities involved. Not incidentally, this was identically the point of initiation of philosophy proper.
Following the suggestion of Heidegger that, in confronting major issues, real progress can be made only by a "step back." The second chapter found that, in terms of the totem, "primitive" thought was aware that all things formed a unity on the basis of a unique plenitude of being and meaning which was the basis of their reality. The third and fourth chapters concerned intermediate stages to philosophy, namely myth and hymn. These were seen as enabling the content of totemic consciousness to be understood to transcend and be the origin of a differentiated universe. Hence, the authors of the myths came to be termed "protoi theologisantes".
3 Chapter IV looked into the Hindu Vedic hymns spirit, written for the ritual sacrifices such as the Creation Hymn, Rg Veda, X, 129 and reflected in the beauty and drama of the Bhagavad Gita.In the East most do not consider philosophy in the proper sense of the word to have been initiated until the Upanishads around the 6th century BC when the issues were separated from the proximate context of ritual and treated by, if not for, themselves. Aristotle described the wise man, the lover of wisdom or the philosopher, as one capable of universal and difficult knowledge, of greater than ordinary certitude, of identifying causes, and of seeking knowledge for its own sake.
4 This set of characteristics need not be definitive for every culture, and Aristotle suggested it only as an inductive model.It is time now to turn directly to the development of such philosophic thought in order to determine the distinctive way to God constituted by properly philosophical thought and its corresponding cultures. It is not that no attention had been given to these issues in earlier times. Indeed, as they concern the most essential requirements for human life, their understanding had been the central human concern in all ages; this was the burden of the previous chapters.
But the essential and, at the time, yet unclarified role played by the imagination in the mytho-poetic mind had stood in the way of the development of a set of proper and precise intellectual terms. Once this problem was overcome it became possible to proceed by well coordinated processes of knowledge such as analysis and logical inquiry, synthesis and theory building,
5 to immediate and self-certifying awareness.6 Once established, these processes would construct systems for, in the order of thought as in that of reality, unity is the touchstone of reality. In time each system would generate its own school, and in this manner the main body of philosophic work has been carried out. This chapter will concern the development of the capacity for systemtatic work in philosophy and the contribution it can make to an improved objective understanding of plenitude and participation.The thought of those, such as Pascal or Kierkegaard, whose ingenious intuitions purposely lacked a corresponding structure of reason for their articulation and defense in order to protect their unique and deep content of subjectivity proved to be of limited impact at the time.
If development follows upon need, the words of Xenophanes provide insight into the evolution of the Greek mind from myth to philosophy. As recounted at the end of Chapter III above, he showed how the imaginative element in myth had enticed men to envisage the gods in an inauthentic manner. Rather than principles of unity, truth and goodness, some gods had come to be exemplars of strife, deceit and all manner of evil. "Both Homer and Hesiod have attributed to the gods all things that are shameful and a reproach among mankind: theft, adultery, and mutual deception."
7Something quite analogous is to be found in the history of Indian philosophy. After a long period of Hinduism the imagination had so corrupted the original purity and sacred character if its rites that a reform was needed, which was provided by Buddha. The Lord Buddha himself predicted that his Sangha would last for only 1000 years, and indeed some 1000 years later it was ripe for the reform realized by Shankara.
Xenophanes removed the imaginative factors and stated the meaning of the gods in more proper and specifically intellectual terms. Thus, he proceeded to affirm that
8There is one god, among gods and men the greatest, not at all like mortals in body and mind. . . . He sees as a whole, thinks as a whole, hears as a whole. . . . He always remains in the same place. But without toil he sets every thing in motion by the thought of his mind.
In these terms he demonstrated that a way had been found, namely, philosophy, to state these crucial realities in terms which were susceptible to clear and controlled reasoning. Philosophy had been born.
Once begun, philosophy made spectacularly rapid progress. Within but a few generations, the human intellect had worked out a structure of the physical world using the basic categories of hot and cold, wet and dry, made available by the external senses, along with mechanisms of vortex motion.
9 Mathematical reason worked with the internal senses to lay down the basic theorems of geometry.10 In brief, by developing properly intellectual terms the Greeks elaborated with new and hitherto unknown precision insights regarding physical reality.But that had never been the root human issue. Totemic and mythic thought were not ways of understanding and working merely with nature, although they did that as well. Fundamentally, they concerned the metaphysical and religious issues of what it means to be, the divine basis of life, and the religious terms in which it needs to be lived.
Characteristically, the Greek philosophical mind carried out this search in abstract, rather than concrete, terms. By focusing upon a certain aspect of reality and omitting all else it developed clear and cohesive understanding. Even in employing such basic terms as air, fire, and water it considered them as principles which, when combined in various ratios of hot and cold, humid and dry, constitute whatever concretely exists. Where a single element, such as fire or water, was singled out this was due to its ability to explain the many states of things. Thus, for example, water, because it can exist in solid, liquid and gaseous states, was able to provide some unified and universal understanding for the entire realm of physical reality. Dasgupta would claim, against Shankara, that the Upanishads viewed the development of real beings in the world as a similar process of combining elements.
11This abstract approach to understanding the unity of all was carried to an initial summit in the reasoning of Anaximander (611-547 BC). He proceeded beyond the four basic elements and their combinations, noting that what is most basic in reality must perdure through all physical states, unite them all, and enable one to be significant for another. The principle must, therefore, be neither hot nor cold, neither wet nor dry; it must be without any of the boundaries or limits expressed by names and forms which delimit or define things as contraries. This unlimited was stated negatively as the apeiron or "unbounded," that is, the non-specified or undiffer-entiated.
12The search, for a positive statement of this unity continued. Pythagoras (c580-500) thought it consisted in numbers. Even Heraclitus, the classical proponent of diversity, was engaged in the same search for unity, for through all diversity he sought the unity of the logos. Thus, he considered fire to be the basic principle because, though darting up and dying down, it manifests throughout a certain unified form or shape. Both Pythagoras and Heraclitus recognized a certain unity and difference in what was numbered or changing, but on their level of abstraction the issue of the reality of that unity and diversity could not be directly confronted. That would be the work of Parmenides.
Parmenides: Being as One, Infinite and Eternal
Parmenides is the father of metaphysics in the West precisely because he remedied this situation by deepening the level of thought in order to be able to speak, not merely of this or that kind of thing, but of being or reality as such. It is important to note that for Parmenides this knowledge (noeton) is not simply a product of human reasoning. Like the Theogony and the Vedas, it is the divine knowledge found in the response of the goddess, Justice. Euripides held that the nous in each person is divine, and for Aristotle it is by the nous that we immediately recognize the first principles and premises upon which deductions are based.
In the proemium of his famous poem Parmenides moves seamlessly, but dramatically from myth to philosophy. Speaking still in the language of myth, Parmenides described a scene in which he was awakened by goddesses and sent in a chariot drawn by faithful mares along the arching highway that spans all things. In this process he moved from obscurity to light, from opinion to truth. There, the gates were opened by the goddess, Justice, as guardian of true judgements, and he was directed by her to examine all things in order to discern the truth.
Such an examination must be a search for noeton or the intelligible in contrast to the aistheton as the perceptible, the physical or bodily. The latter knowledge is deceptive and dependent upon the physical organs of the body; in contrast noein is true knowledge of reality itself. It is of noein that he says, "It is the same thing to think and to be."
13 Neither aistheton nor, a fortiori, Locke’s exclusively sensible perception or verification, but intellection is the norm of being and hence of meaning: noein is meaning, notes Guthrie.14 This has been the crucial and decisive foundation for Western thought up to the present — and hence the measure of the crisis at this entrance into the 3rd millenium A.D. For Western thought since its beginnings the path of intelligibility has been that of being; conversely what is not intelligible, what is without meaning, is not real. Because the requirements of intelligibility are those of being and vice versa, a science of being is possible which will concern all reality without remainder. No valid question of being is in principle without an answer for "It is the same thing to think and to be."15 Inasmuch as that science depends upon noeton (intelligence) rather than aistheton (sensibility), it must be a meta-physics.With intelligibility as the criterion of being, Parmenides proceeded on the basis of that which is immediately intellected, namely, "that Being is; . . . nothingness is not possible."
16 He concluded that being itself, and as such, does not include negation or hence differentiation. That is "to be" cannot be the same as "not to be". This principle of non-contradiction was a construct of the mind. Like pi in geometry it was good to think with. It enabled the mind to reflect upon the requirements of both being and mind, and to avoid anything that would undermine their reality. He thereby was able to reason as follows: any coming into or going out of being, any divisions or motion, indeed any differentiation would need to be predicated upon either what is or what is not. But, on the one hand, this could not be based upon being for, as being already is, no differentiation is possible thereby. But neither could difference be based upon what is not, because, precisely because that is not, it cannot generate, differentiate, do or be anything.17 Hence, being itself and as such cannot begin, change or be multiple.Parmenides then imagines himself proceeding further along the highway of being
18 until he comes to a fork with a signpost pointing toward "beginning" or to a supposed way of being which would include in its essence that it begins. Parmenides reasons regarding the implications of such a route that because "to begin" means to move from nonbeing or nothingness to being, then were "to be" to include "to begin" that would mean that being included within its very essence nonbeing or nothingness. There would then be no difference between being and nothing: being would be without meaning; the real would be nothing at all. If conversely, from this notion of beginning such nonbeing is removed, then it would not begin, but would be eternal. The possibility of taking the fork which would have being as essentially beginning is excluded; being cannot be essentially beginning but must have eternity about it. This is the first requirement of being. Hence, all that begins must be derived from Being.The chariot then moves along the highway of being and the procedure is analogous at the two subsequent forks in the road where the signposts tempt one to consider being as changing and as multiple, respectively. Each of these, Parmenides reasons, would place nonbeing within being itself, which would destroy its very character as being. Nonbeing is contained in the notion of change, inasmuch as a changing being is no longer what it had been and not yet what it will become. But for nonbeing to pertain to the essence of being would destroy being. When, however, nonbeing is removed then being emerges as unchanging. Similarly, nonbeing is essential to the notion of multiplicity, inasmuch as this requires that one being not be the other. When, however, nonbeing is removed what emerges is one. These then are the characteristics of being: it is infinite and eternal, unchanging and one.
Being as such transcends the multiple and changing world in which we live: it exists in a manner more perfect than could possibly be appreciated in the graphic, figurative and hence extended terms of the internal sense of imagination which characterized the mind in its mythic mode or stage of development.
In this way Parmenides discerned the necessity of Absolute, Eternal and Unchanging Being — whatever be said of anything else. Neither being nor thought make sense if being is in any way the same as nonbeing, for then to do, say or be anything would be the same as not doing, not saying or not being. If what is real is irreducible to nothing and being is irreducible to nonbeing — as it must be if there is any thing or any meaning whatsoever — then being must have about it the self-sufficiency expressed by Parmenides’s notion of the absolute One.
One can refuse to look at this issue and focus upon particular aspects of limited realities. But if one confronts the issue of being it leads to the Self-sufficient as the creative source of all else. Without this all limited beings would be radically compromised — not least, human beings themselves. It is not surprising, therefore, that the painstaking journey of Aristotle in his Metaphysics in search of the nature of being would conclude to divine life.
19The issue then is not how the notion of the divine first entered human thought; it has always been there. This is true not only as fact, as seen in totemic and mythic thought, but in principle as shown by Greek philosophy. For without that which is One, humanity would be at odds with nature, and humankind would lack social cohesion. Without that which is Absolute, in the sense of infinite and self-sufficient, thinking would be the same as not thinking, and being would be the same as nonbeing.
It is unfortunate that attention has been directed almost solely to Parmenides’s negation of differentiation, and that this has been taken as a negation of differentiation between beings and hence of multiple beings, rather than the separation of being from nonbeing. What is central is his direct and lucid clarification
- that being is, is one, and is intelligible;
- that it is Absolute in perfection, and self-sufficient, standing in definitive contrast to nothingness;
20- that as such it is self-explanatory or able to justify itself before nous; and
- that it is the ground of all metaphysics or understanding of being.
In stating this Parmenides was able to confront directly and for the first time, not merely the fact of differentiation among beings, but the issue of the reality of such differentiation. It is neither surprising nor of great importance that he was not able to resolve this issue. What is important is that due to his contribution the Western mind was able to go to work on the issue. No longer limited to asking about particular differences between specific beings or groups of beings, it could now begin to enquire directly concerning the reality and bases of differentiation. In time this would lead to the discovery of one’s own uniqueness and the nature of one’s relation to others. Progress in philosophy — as philosophers East and West observe — lies in understanding how this unity is lived, not destroyed, and that whatever meaning there be to the many is had in terms of the one.
Simplicius and others concluded from the first half of his Poem that for Parmenides not only that there must be one being which was absolute, but that there could be nothing else. This, however, does not at all fit with the second, longer half of the Parmenides’ Poem, which treats at great length the many changing beings of the universe. Hence, it would appear to be a more correct reading of the first section of his text that being requires the one infinite unchanging and eternal Being, i.e., an Absolute which transcends the world of multiple and changing beings, and on which the universe of changing reality depends. But how the universe of multiple beings described in the second part of his Poem is related to the One is not worked out by Parmenides. It could be expected, however, that whoever would work out this relation of the many to the One would thereby be the father of the Greek — and hence of the Western — philosophical tradition.
Plato and Aristotle
It is no accident then that the great figures, Plato (429-348) and Aristotle (384-322), who marked out the major paths in Western philosophy should follow Parmenides in rapid succession. Once directly confronted with the unity of reality and hence with the issue of the reality of differentiation, the Greek mind had either to accept the skeptical position of the sophists which excluded any basis for organized civil life, or to begin some steps toward the resolution of the issue. These steps proceeded along the route of Plato’s notion of participation of the many in the One. Based on this some Church Fathers listed Plato among the precursors of Christ, while Whitehead considered all subsequent Western philosophy to be essentially a series of footnotes Plato’s work.
Plato and the Notion of Participation. On the one hand, the search was directed toward those factors by which an individual being is most properly him- or herself
C ultimately toward the discovery of ‘non-being’ as the principle by which beings are distinct one from another in the sense of ‘not-that-being’21 by which one thing is not the other: by which Tom is not John. Along with being, this type of non-being is a component principle of each one in the order of multiple things. In response to Parmenides, Plato saw this as the key to the difference and distinctiveness between beings.On the other hand, that the community of things is similar or alike requires a source which itself is one. Because John, Agnes and Thomas are alike as humans, their forms share, partake, or participate in the one form of humanity. This form is not limited to the perfection of any one person, but is itself the fullness of the perfection of humankind. Like the totem, it is able to be participated in by an indefinite number of humans. To participate means to have one’s being in derivation from, and hence as image of, absolute Being itself. Hence, I am by imaging or participating; imaging is not what I do, but what I am.
For Plato moreover, the object of the mind is the idea or form as the exemplar which "completely is" the reality of all that can be realized in that manner. Similarly, this form is "perfectly knowable."
22 The many instances are related as images to that one, either as sensible objects or as more to less differentiated forms. What is essential, as is manifest in Plato’s later solution of the problems raised in his Parmenides, is that the relation of participation (mimesis or methexis) not be added to the multiple being as already constituted, but be constitutive of them: their reality is precisely to image.This implies that the original forms are ontological dimensions of reality which transcend the series of concrete individuals. They are spoken of as ideas or forms in contrast to concrete particulars. The highest of these ideas is the Good or the One in which all else share or participate precisely as images thereof.
23 This permits a more balanced and less imaginative interpretation of Plato’s references in his Republic to the "remembering" of ideas. Rather than being taken literally to imply prior states of the soul, they express the personal development of one’s awareness of the reality of a higher ontological realm and its significance for one’s life. They have memory’s directness and certitude, but their source is the Greek nous, for they characterize the relation of the intellect to the source of all being and meaning.By philosophizing in this mode of participation one escapes becoming become trapped in the alternative of either constructing personal but arbitrary intellectual schemata, or elaborating an impersonal science. Philosophizing is rather a gradual process of discovery, of entering ever more deeply into the values which we have in order to comprehend them more clearly in themselves and in their source. Because progressive sharing or participating in this source is the very essence of human growth and development, the work of philosophizing and the religious sensibility implicit in this notion of participation is neither an addenda to life nor merely about life. Rather, as was seen regarding totem and myth, philosophy and religion are central to the life process of human growth itself and at the highest level; from this process it draws its primal discoveries.
Aristotle and the Systematizing of Participation. Though Plato began the philosophical elaboration of the notion of participation, as his method was dialectical he did not construct a system. His terms remained fluid and his dialogues ended with further questions. It was left to his pupil, Aristotle, to develop the means for more rigorous or systematic work in philosophy. For this Aristotle elaborated a formal logic for the strict codification of forms or terms, their cognition in judgments, and the coordination of judgments into patterns of syllogistic reasoning. With this tool he was able to outline the pattern of the sciences which have played so dominant a role in the Western world to this day.
Further, whereas Plato’s philosophy of participation as imaging had been conducive to using "reflections" or shadows, e.g. of trees on the surface of a stream, as a simile of the physical world.
24 This appeared to Aristotle to threaten the reality of the material and differentiated universe. Hence, he soon abandoned the use of the term "participation" and gave great attention to the changing of physical things, which he saw to be the route to the discovery of the active character of forms and being. By a careful coordination of the sciences of the physical world through a study of their general principles and causes in the Physics, and by relating the Physics to the Metaphysics, he clarified the relation of all changing things to a first principle. This principle is described in Metaphysics XII as subsistent knowledge and divine life.25 To this all things are related as to their ultimate final cause which they imitate, each according to its own nature. Thus, the source, if not the system, of participation received important philosophical elaboration.This notion of participation according to which the many derive their being from the One which they manifest and toward which they are oriented and directed would subsequently provide the basic model for what the Chinese refer to as "outer" transcendence or the relation of creatures to God. In Plato’s thought, however, the order of forms was relatively passive, rather than active. Hence, the supreme One or Good was the passive object of contemplation by the highest Soul, which was conscious and active. Most scholars, therefore, consider the highest Soul or contemplator in Plato’s thought, rather than the highest One or Good upon which it contemplates, to correspond to his notion of God.
Aristotle’s philosophy, in contrast, began with changing beings available to the senses and discovered that such being must be composed of the principles of form as act and of matter as potency. As a result, his sense of being was axised upon form as a principle of act in the process of active physical change — which literally was "trans-formation". Consequently, when in his Metaphysics he undertook the search for the nature of being or what was meant by being, he tracked this from accidents such as colors which can exist only in something else to substances which exist in themselves. Inevitably, this same process led him to the highest of such substances which is or exists in the most perfect manner, that is, as knowing and indeed as knowing on knowing itself (noesis noeseos). This he referred to as life divine.
26 It is the culmination of his philosophy because it brings him to the very heart of the order of being — the goal of becoming and acting — and, hence, of reality itself. Joseph Owens27 would conclude from his investigation of being as the subject of Aristotle’s metaphysics that for Aristotle being was primarily the one Absolute Being and was extended to all things by a pros hen analogy; that is, all things are beings precisely to the extent that they stand in relation to the Absolute and divine One, which transcends all else.In Aristotle’s philosophy being was primarily substance; what changed was the composit or synolon of form and matter, but substance was not the composite but the form only.
28 As a result, his detailed scientific or systematic process of coordinating various types of being and identifying their principles was predicated upon forms according to their capacity for abstract universalization. The physical universe could be understood only as an endless cycle of formation and dissolution, of which the individual was but a function. Therefore, the freedom and significance of the individual were not adequately accounted for.Further, while the individual’s actions were stimulated and patterned — each in its own way — upon the one objectless Knower (noesis noeseos) as final cause, the many individuals were not caused thereby, derived therefrom or known by that principle of all meaning. Thus, though intense human concern is expressed in hellenic dramas which reflect the heritage of human meaning as lived in the family and in society, Greek philosophic understanding was much more specialized and restricted, particularly as regards the significance of the person.
More could not be expected while being was understood in terms of form alone. If, however, the meaning of the human person in this world of names and forms is of key importance today in both East and West; if the protection and promotion of the person become increasingly problematic as our cultures become more industrialized, technological and global; and if the search for freedom and human rights is central to our contemporary search to realize a decent society — then it will be necessary to look to further developments of the notion of being and of divine life. These will create higher levels of equilibria by retrieving and making explicit more of what was meant by Parmenides’s One than had been articulated in the Greek philosophies of Plato and Aristotle. Indeed, the fact that the thought of Plato and Aristotle was not brought into synthesis by Aristotle himself suggests that it simply was not possible to do so in terms of being as understood merely as form as was the case in those times. Thus, in order to draw upon the full contribution of both Plato’s notion of participation and Aristotle’s systematic structures it is necessary to look to a later equilibrium predicated upon a significantly deepened understanding of being, namely, being not as form, but as existing.
THE CHRISTIAN PHILOSOPHY OF EXISTENCE
AS LIFE IN GOD
M. Iqbal considers the key to religious reconstruction to be the overcoming of the relatively passive sense of reality found in the formal order characteristic of the Platonic strain of modern rationalism. As noted above, in this light limited realities passively replicate the archetypal forms or ideas, but add nothing new; finite reality is drained of its vitality and reduced to a shadow. M. Iqbal wrote his dissertation on Mulla Sadra who most vigorously and insistently attacked formalist categorical thinking in terms of essence. Instead, Mula Sadra was concerned to shift attention to existence.
29 It is in this sense that Iqbal calls for a turn to the active character of reality. This suggests that we look in Christian philosophy for the emergence of being as act, indeed as existence or the act of all acts. This was the special contribution of Christian philosophy and the key to its many innovations; it characterized the thought of Thomas and gave it its prestige in Christian circlesAlthough Greek philosophy grew out of an intensive mythic sense of life in which all was a reflection of the will of the gods, nonetheless, it presupposed matter always to have existed. As a result, its attention and concern was focused upon the forms by which matter was determined to be of one type rather than of another. For Aristotle, physical or material things in the process of change from one form to another were the most manifest realities and his philosophizing began therefrom. This approach to philosophy, beginning from sense encounters with physical beings, corresponded well to our human nature as spirit and body, and could be extended to the recognition of divine life. But Iqbal wants more; for him "It is in fact the presence of the total infinite in the movement of knowledge that makes finite thinking possible."
30 The Greek philosophical awareness of what it meant to be real would need considerable enrichment in order to be able to appreciate the foundational significance for human thought of its grounding in a fully transcendent and infinite Being.The new equilibrium would have three components: (a) the development in the awareness of the meaning of being as existence; (b) its fruition through Plato’s insight regarding the participation of the many in Parmenides’s One; and (c) the systematization of both (a) and (b) by the tools of Aristotle’s scientific philosophy. As Plato’s contribution (b) had been continually employed, what was required was the discovery of being as existence (a) which took place with the early Christian Fathers, and the rediscovery of Aristotle’s works (c) which took place a thousand years later.
Being as Existing: To Live
Dependence on the Divine. Development in the understanding of being required transcending the Greek notion which had meant simply to be of a certain differentiated type or kind. This meaning was transformed through the achievement of an explicit awareness of the act of existence (esse) in terms of which being could be appreciated directly in its active and self-assertive character. The precise basis for this expansion of the appreciation of being from form to existence is difficult to identify in a conclusive manner, but some things are known.
Because the Greeks had considered matter (hyle — the stuff of which things were made) — to be eternal, no direct questions arose concerning the existence or non-existence of things. As there always had been matter, the only real questions for the Greeks concerned the shapes or forms under which it existed. Only at the conclusion of the Greek and the beginning of the medieval period did Plotinus (205-270 A.D.), rather than simply presupposing matter, attempt the first philosophical explanation of its origin. It was, he explained, the light from the One which, having been progressively attenuated as it emanated ever further from its source, finally had turned to darkness.
31 This obviously is not very satisfactory, but whence came this new sensitivity to reality which enabled him even to raise such a question?It is known that shortly prior to Plotinus the Christian Fathers had this awareness. They explicitly opposed the Greeks’ simple supposition of matter; they affirmed that, like form, matter too needed to be explained and traced the origin of both form and matter to the Pantocrator.
32 In doing this they extended to matter the general principle of Genesis, that all was dependent upon the One who created heaven and earth, the Spirit who breathed upon the waters. In doing this two insights appear to have been significant.
Beyond Form and Matter. First, it was a period of intensive attention to the Trinitarian character of the divine. To understand Christ to be God Incarnate it was necessary to understand Him to be Son sharing fully in the divine nature.
This required that in the life of the Trinity his procession from the Father be understood to be in a unity of nature: the Son, like the Father, must be fully of one and same divine nature. This made it possible to clarify, by contrast, the formal effect of God’s act in creating limited and differentiated beings. This could not be in a unity of nature for it resulted, not in a coequal divine Person, but in a creature radically dependent for its being. But to push the question beyond being one simply of nature or kind of being is to open directly the issue of the reality of beings, and hence not only of their form, but of their matter as well. This is to ask not only how things are of this or that kind, but how they exist at all rather than not exist. It constituted an evolution in the human awareness of being, of what it means to be real. This was no longer simply the compossibility of two forms, which Aristotle had taken as a sufficient response to the scientific question "whether it existed"; instead to be real means to exist or to stand in some relation thereto.
By the same stroke, our self-awareness and will were deepened dramatically. They no longer were restricted to focusing upon choices between various external objects and life styles — the common but superficial contemporary meaning of what Adler terms a circumstantial freedom of self-realization — nor even to Kant’s choosing as one ought after the manner of an acquired freedom of self-perfection. Both of these remain within the context of being as nature or essence. The freedom opened by the conscious assumption and affirmation of one’s own existence was rather a natural freedom of self-determination with responsibility for one’s very being.
33One might follow the progression of this deepening awareness of being by reflecting upon the experience of being totally absorbed in the particularities of one’s job, business, farm or studies — the prices, the colors, the chemicals — and then encountering an imminent danger of death, the loss of a loved one or the birth of a child. At the moment of death, as at the moment of birth, the entire atmosphere and range of preoccupations in a hospital room shifts dramatically. Suddenly they are transformed from tactical adjustments for limited objectives to confronting existence, in sorrow or in joy, in terms that plunge one to the center of the entire range of meaning. Such was the effect upon philosophy when human awareness expanded and deepened, from concern merely with this or that kind of reality, to the act of existence in contrast to non-existence; and hence to human life in all its dimensions; and, indeed, to God Himself.
The Philosophical Impact of Redemption: Radical Freedom. Cornelio Fabro goes further. He suggests that this deepened metaphysical sense of being in the early Christian ages not only opened the possibility for a deeper sense of freedom, but itself was catalyzed by the new sense of freedom proclaimed in the religious message.
I say "catalyzed", not "deduced from," which would be the way of science rather than of culture. Where the former looks for principles from which conclusions are deduced of necessity, a culture is a creative work of freedom. A religious message inspires and invites; it provides a new vantage point from which all can be reinspected and rethought; its effects are pervasive and enduring. This was the case with the Christian kerygma.
That message focused not upon Plato’s imagery of the sun at the mouth of the cave from which external enlightenment might be derived, but upon, the eternal Word or Logos, the Son who entered the cave unto death so that all might rise to new existence.
34In the beginning was the word, and the word was with God, and the word was God.
The same was in the beginning with God.
All things were made by him: and without him was made nothing that was made.
In him was life, and the life was the light of men.
And the light shineth in darkness, and the darkness did not comprehend it.
. . .
That was the true light, which enlighteneth every man that cometh into this world.
But this was more than light to the mind. Christ’s resurrection was also a freeing of the soul from sin and death. Fabro suggests that reflection upon one’s free response to the divine redemptive invitation was key to the development of the awareness of being as existence. The radically total and unconditioned character of this invitation and response goes beyond any limited facet of one’s reality, and/or particular consideration according to time, occupation or the like. It is rather the direct self-affirmation of one’s total actuality. Its sacramental symbol is not one of transformation or improvement; it is not a matter merely of reformation. Instead, it is resurrection from the waters of death to radically new life. This directs the mind beyond any generic, specific or even individual form to the unique reality that I am as a self for whom living is freely to exercise or dispose of my very act of existence. This opened a new awareness of being as that existence by which beings stand outside of nothing ("ex-sto") — and not merely to some minimum extent, but to the full extent of their actuality, which Fabro calls an intensive notion of being.
This power of being bursting into time through Creator, Redeemer and Prophet:
- directs the mind beyond the ideological poles of species and individual interests, and beyond issues of place or time as limited series or categories;
- centers, instead, upon the unique reality of the person as a participation in the creative power of God — a being bursting into existence, which is and cannot be denied;
- rejects being considered in any sense as nonbeing, or being treated as anything less than its full reality;
- is a self, or in Iqbal’s term an ‘ego’, affirming its own unique actuality and irreducible to any specific group identity; and
- is image of God for whom life is sacred and sanctifying, a child of God for whom to be is freely to dispose of the power of new life in brotherhood with all humankind.
It took a long time for the implications of this new appreciation of existence and its meaning to germinate and find its proper philosophic articulation. Over a period of many centuries the term ‘form’ was used to express both kind or nature and the new sense of being as existence. As the distinction between the two was gradually clarified, however, proper terminology arose in which that by which a being is of this or that kind came to be expressed by the term ‘essence,’ while the act of existence by which a being simply is was expressed by ‘existence’(esse).
35 The relation between the two was under intensive, genial discussion by the Islamic philosophers when their Greek tradition in philosophy was abrogated at the time of al-Ghaz~li (see Chapter VII below).This question was resolved soon thereafter in the work of Thomas Aquinas through a "real distinction" between existence and essence as principles of being. This rendered most intimate the relation of the two principles related as act and potency respectively, which opened a new and uniquely active sense of being. This is not to say that al-Ghaz
~l§ was wrong in opposing Averroes or that Islam was wrong in choosing the side of al-Ghaz~l§ in that dispute; Aquinas also had to overcome the Latin Averroists in the course of his intellectual battles in Paris. But Iqbal’s intuition of the need to proceed in terms of being as active suggests the importance of this juncture in the history of thought. With this renewed sense of being as existence, rather than as merely form, the Christian metaphysical tradition went on to develop a systematic philosophy with the technical tools needed for understanding human life in this world.
The Philosophy of Participation: To Live in God
The Historical Challenge. But what was the relation of existence and essence — and of the beings thus structured — to Parmenides’s One? This is the essential question if the new insight regarding existence is to constitute a way to God. In order to achieve this the previous philosophical accomplishments regarding participation in plenitude must not be lost, but integrated within a cohesive structure. For this, both the participational insight of Plato and the systematic tools of Aristotle will be required. Since Plato and Aristotle had worked together as teacher and student for twenty years it might be expected that their two contributions would have been inseparably linked. In fact, such was not the case. While the body of Aristotelian texts lay sequestered in Pergamon for 150 years, the Platonic influence was gradually extended as the heart of Greek culture through Asia Minor to Alexandria.
Thus the philosophical atmosphere in which the thinking of the Church Fathers took place was Platonic, and in some contrast to the Aristotelian. Especially through the works of St. Augustine Plato’s thought pattern became the general context of the Christian thought through the first millennium in medieval Europe. The knowledge of Aristotle in the West during that period had in large part been restricted to Boethius’s translations of the Organon, and the body of medieval thought itself could be called a Christian Platonism.
In this situation it can be understood how new was the situation when the expansion of Islamic culture into Spain and the contact with the East resulting from the First and Second Crusades led to the introduction, within the short span of one century, of practically the whole body of Aristotle’s works. This was not the mere discovery of some new principles or concepts which, by the proper genius of the medieval mind, developed according to the demands of the previously existing Platonic thought pattern. Rather, it was the sudden opening of a new world, which had been scientifically articulated according to its own genius and its own pattern prior to Christian culture. Though genetically related, it was not just a new arrival to be reared according to family patterns, but a full grown relative with whom one discussed as with an equal.
If recent studies have done much to point out the need of considering Aristotle against the background of the intellectualism of Plato, they have not eliminated the profound diversity in the basic pattern and orientation of the two bodies of thought.
36 When they met in thirteenth century Paris it was in a sharp and escalating dispute between those, led by Siger of Brabant, who professed a relatively pure Aristotelianism as interpreted in the work of Averroes and those who reflected the Christian Platonism of the first millennium. Like most disputes in which important issues are at stake either side would lose too heavily if it were really to defeat the opposition. For what would it profit the Latin Averroists to gain philosophical leadership if they did so at the price of their Christian tradition? Or how could the Christian Platonists carry out their hope of uniting all to God if they were to close the door on the new scientifically articulated world which was being stretched out before them?In these circumstances what was needed was a creative mediator, which task fell to Thomas Aquinas. Working in the realm of ideas he could not simply divide the disputed area between the two sides, but would have to relate both in a fruitfully integrated whole. This meant, first, that he would have to oppose each party on some points. Thus, the task of conciliation required a campaign with fighting on both flanks. It has been suggested that this battle, fought by St. Thomas in his second stay in Paris, was "one of the most decisive battles of the world."
37 Upon it hinged the access of future Western thought to its combined heritage of both wisdom (Plato) and science (Aristotle), the ability of the renewed Aristolelianism to draw its values from the earlier Christianized Platonism, and the fruition of both in an increasingly rich articulation of the meaning of existence.But the visions of Plato and Aristotle could be brought into mutually fructifying union only on the basis of a radically new insight drawn from the root meaning of human experience. This was available in the understanding of being as existence, as described above, which was sufficiently profound and open to draw out further implications of both earlier orientations. The result was Thomas’s systematic philosophy of participation.
A Structure for Thinking about Ways to God. With the three major components in hand, namely, being understood in terms of existence, the Platonic notion of participation, and Aristotle’s structure for scientific knowledge, Thomas proceeded to develop a systematic metaphysics whose integrating structural principle was that of participation. In view of what has been said above, the test of such a system would be its ability to retrieve and elaborate some of the content of Parmenides’s awareness of the One in a manner that allows for multiple or differentiated being. We shall consider, then: first, the systematic character of his metaphysics as a science of being (this will provide the basis for his five ways to God, which are to be discussed in the following chapter); second, the internal structure of participating beings.
As a systematic tool for developing such a science Thomas had at his disposal Aristotle’s model of the syllogism (B is C; and A is B; therefore A is C) as the basic logical form for scientific reasoning. A science is constructed as a study of its subject (A); in the case of metaphysics this is being as that to which it pertains to be. The work of the science is to establish knowledge concerning the attributes, principles, and causes of this subject. It must state what is true of the subject necessarily and always; indeed, what cannot be otherwise.
38 This is done by the mediation of the middle term (B) as the essential or quidditative understanding of the subject (A). Whatever can be seen to pertain as an attribute (C) to the middle term (B), which in turn is the nature of the subject (A), pertains to the subject (A) necessarily and always. The resulting judgments constitute the body of the conclusions of the science.There is a classic danger in systematic metaphysics, and it lies just at this point of establishing its subject. The danger is that what is taken as the subject will be only some limited form of reality which the philosopher has comprehended. As a result his scientific metaphysics will systematically reduce reality to his limited vision. Such reductionism is the characteristic difficulty both of materialism and idealism, indeed of rationalisms of every sort. Thomas protected his thought against this in two ways.
First, he recognized that if the subject of the science must be susceptible of qudditative human understanding then in principle it could include only limited beings. Hence, if an absolute is to enter the purview of this science it will be as the cause, rather than as a component of the subject. This is a humbling beginning for metaphysics, but it enables it to retain its scientific rigor. At the same time it protects the transcendent and unlimited character of the Absolute from being cut down to the limitations of the capacity of the human mind for quidditative knowledge. This is where alternate metaphysical systems tend to skepticism or to idolatry.
Secondly, even of the limited being which is the subject of the science there is no attempt to establish an initial and inclusive definition. The sequence of drafts of Thomas’s Commentary on Boethius’s De Trinitate
39 show him first attempting and then abandoning the attempt to constitute the subject of metaphysics in the same manner as the subjects of the other sciences, namely, by Aristotle’s abstractive apprehension of a determined and delimited form or nature. To obtain the subject of a metaphysics open to all beings and to being as such he gradually was forced to employ, not abstraction, but judgment for that is concerned directly, not with form, but with existence as affirmation. As a result the notion of being is not univocal and delimited as is a form, but analogous or open to affirming in positive terms the full range of existence: being as whatever is and in whatever way it is.Further — and this will subsequently be of importance regarding the Absolute or Plenitude of perfection — the form of the judgement by which the subject of metaphysics is separated out is negative; it negates or sets aside whatever might in principle restrict or limit the affirmation that is being. It is the judgement that the being with which the science will be concerned will not be limited only to those things which are of a changing or material nature, that is, to the working of the intellect in conjunction with the senses. Because there are both material and non-material things, there follows the negative judgement that in order to be real a being need not be material. Hence, being as being, or that according to which it is being, is not material or changing. This judgement is negative in that it negates limitation to only one type of being, namely, to material being (but it does not exclude material beings).
Being as the subject of the science of metaphysics is thereby liberated in principle from restriction to a particular kind of existence in contrast to others. It is opened for any and all being, for every aspect of being, and for whatever might prove either to characterize or to be required by being precisely as being.
As a science it will constitute a systematic process of inquiry. With being as its subject it will proceed without shackles, able to respond with faithful accountability before Parmenides’s principle of contradiction, and to consider all inasmuch as it is being rather than non being. It will consider in positive terms every evidence of being whether dependent or Absolute, effect or cause. Indeed, the path from the one to the other will itself be a way to God.
The Internal Structure of Being
Participation as Life in God. The systematic construction of participation begins with an analysis of the structure of multiple, differentiated or finite beings. By conjoining Parmenides’s analysis of the impossibility of being differing, either by being or by nothing, with the evidence of the fact of differentiation, Plato concluded that there must be some principle by which one being (X) is not another being (Y). The principle will be non-being in the sense, not of nothing, but of not-that-being, as I am not you. The relation of this principle to being, however, had not been explained. By the beginning of the thirteenth century the question had evolved into that of the relation between the essence or nature by which the existence is differentiated and the act of existence itself. Drawing upon both Parmenides and Aristotle, Thomas contributed a solution whose structural principle was that of participation.
Being as such, as Parmenides had noted, was not limited and not differentiated: affirmation was not negation. Thus, if an existence is found to be limited — that is, negated with regard to any more of existence than the certain existence it exercises — this must be due to some other principle than existence. Further, if this principle, even though it is other than existence, does exist then it must be made to exist by existence, to which it is then related as a passive capacity or potency. Finally, if the result is a limited being it must consist conjointly of both this principle as a delimiting capacity or potency and its corresponding act or existence.
Aristotle had discovered this relation of potency to act as the way in which matter and form, as two principles, constitute one changing or physical being. Thomas extended the meaning of act and potency from that specific relation to the more general one between the various constituent principles. He did so by employing the relation of act and potency to explicate the relation he had discovered between essence and existence as constituents of limited or finite being. In this way he was able to identify the internal constitution of being, the subject of metaphysics.
This step was as crucial for metaphysics as was the discovery of atoms for physics. Neither existence nor essence is itself a being, nor even intelligible by itself alone. Rather, beings are composed of existence and essence, not as beings, but as intrinsic principles or constituents of beings. Existence is the act by which essence is made to be, and essence is the limiting and defining capacity or potency by which the existence is distinct from all other existents and is of a particular kind.
Attempts to think in terms of existence without essence have produced anarchic personal affirmation without order, just as thought in terms of essence without existence has produced order that is totalitarian, lifeless and oppressive. Neither existence nor essence can be or be thought without the other. Attempts to do so produce monstrous caricatures of being which have come to characterize our century and turn what is a garden of paradise into a jungle ravaged by ferocious aberrations.
Philosophizing in a Religious Culture. Before moving in the next chapter to the impact of this for the realization of beings in time and, hence, of life and meaning in God, let us reflect for a moment on the dynamics at play in the impact of this Christian vision upon philosophy. We must ask first whether, when situated within a cultural context grounded in a revealed vision, philosophy, as knowledge gained by the natural light of reason, ceases to exist and is transformed into a theology based upon revelation? Certainly, that which involves formally the mysteries of the Trinity and the plan or economy of Redemption in Christ can be known only by revelation and is, therefore, a matter of theology. Today, however, we are more conscious of the significance of the cultural and social context within which thought takes place. One who is raised in a loving and generous family will be more able and more liable to make place for love and generosity in one’s interpretation and response to life, just as one who lives in a more calculating, manipulative and exploitive environment is less likely to factor love into one’s thinking. Today, we recognize that, like economics and even mathematics, philosophy is created by real persons who live in specific places and times, and that it is stimulated by their physical, social and hence cultural circumstances. Philosophy reflects the deepest experiences and free commitments of its creators.
The sense of meaning experienced through earlier ages and articulated in the myths provided Plato with content for his ideas. By his dialogical method he sorted out this meaning, rather than simply creating it. Similarly, in philosophizing, the Christian thinkers returned to Platonic and Aristotelian themes with a new heart and mind, sensitized by their new redemptive and Trinitarian experience. The result was an inversion of the Aristotelian perspective, even by those who would be most Aristotelian in the technical implementation of their philosophy. For Aristotle, the point of initiation of knowledge was the senses, and his philosophy arose through his physics. It was built upon the requirements and implications of matter and change in the physical order. The human was seen to transcend the material, but was defined especially in relation to the physical order as care-taker of nature.
In contrast, the Trinitarian sense of what it means to be corresponds rather to the noesis noeseos or Life Divine to which Aristotle concluded at the very end of his Metaphysics. Indeed, he did not hesitate to call his metaphysics a theology, both because it alone treated God among its objects and because it was the type of knowledge of all things which befitted God above all others.
40 In this light, it might be said that the distinctive Christian metaphysical sense — as also the Hindu metaphysics of the Vedanta Sutras (see Chapter IV) and the Islamic mystic vision (see Chapter VII) — reflects the point to which Aristotle concluded, namely, the outer Transcendent, the Absolute, or Brahman, from which, in which and into which all is or exists.41Yet it is important to note that this remains a philosophy, rather than a theology based on faith. For here the principles are not derived from revelation, but are established by the light of human reason. The work of revelation here is not to provide the premises for philosophical reasoning and discovery, but to provide a context in which this reasoning is evoked, encouraged and called to the high standards required if it is to contribute insight that is sure and universal in this global age.
42
NOTES
1. Iqbal, Reconstruction, p. 4.
2. Ibid., pp. 128-129, 142.
3. Jaeger, p. 10.
4. Metaphysics, 1, 1, 981-982.
5. Bernard Lonergan, Method in Theology (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1971), pp. 4-5.
6. Ibid., pp. 6-13; "St. Thomas’s Thought on Gratia Operans," Theological Studies, III (1942), 573-74.
7. McLean and Aspell, Readings, p. 31.
8. Ibid.
9. Anaximander, fragments, see McLean and Aspell, Readings, pp. 14-17; McLean and Aspell, Ancient Western Philosophy, pp. 22-28.
10. McLean and Aspell, Ancient Western Philosophy, ch. III.
11. Dasgupta, I, 53, See Paul Deussen, The Philosophy of the Upanishads (New York: Dover, 1 966) , pp. 182-95, 237-39.
12. Jaeger, pp. 24-36.
13. McLean and Aspell, Readings, p. 40, fr. 3.
14. W.K.C. Guthrie, The Earlier PreSocratics and the Pythagoreans, Vol. I of A History of Greek Philosophy (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1962), p. 41.
15. McLean and Aspell, Readings, p. 40, fr. 3.
16. Ibid., p. 40, fr. 3 and 6.
17. Ibid., pp. 42-43, fr. 8. See Guthrie, pp. 28-29.
18. Fragment 8; see Alexander P.D. Mourelatos, The Route of Parmenides: A Study of Word, Images, and Argument in the Fragment (New Haven: Yale, 1970).
19. Metaphysics, XII, 7, 1072 b 26-29.
20. McLean and Aspell, Readings, pp. 42-43, fr. 8.
21. Plato, Sophist, 259 A.
22. Ibid., 248 E.
23. Plato, Republic, 509.
24. Ibid., pp. 509-511.
25. Noesis noeseos: "Thought thinks itself as object in virtue of its participation in what is thought," Metaphysics XII, 1072 b 19-29.
26. Ibid.
27. Joseph Owens, The Doctrine of Being, The Aristotelian Metaphysics: A Study in the Greek Background of Mediaeval Thought (Toronto: PIMS, 1951).
28. A. Mansion, "Positions Maîtreses de la philosophie d’Aristote," in Aristote et Saint Thomas d’Aquin (Louvain: Université de Louvain, 1955), pp. 58-67.
29. Mulla Sadra, see Chapter VII below.
30. Iqbal, p. 4.
31. Plotinus, Enneads, II 5(25), ch. v.
32. Maurizio Flick and Zoltan Alszeghy, Il Creatore, l’inizio della salvezza (Firenze: Lib. Ed. Fiorentina, 1961), pp. 32-49.
33. Mortimer Alder, The Idea of Freedom: A Dialectical Examination of the Conception of Freedom (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1958), I, 609.
34. John I:1-5, 8.
35. Comelio Fabro, La nozione metafisica di partecipazione secondo S. Tommaso d’Aquino (Torino: Societa Ed. Internazionale, 1950), pp. 75-122.
36. A Survey of a number of authors on this point is found in Robert Henle, St. Thomas and Platonism (Hague: Nijhoff, 1956), p. xviii. See also William D. Ross, The Ideas of Plato (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1942), p. 226; Joseph Owens, A History of Ancient Western Philosophy (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1959), pp. 358-59.
37. Arthur Little, The Platonic Heritage of Thomism (Dublin: Golden Eagle Books, 1950), p. 14.
38. Aristotle, Posterior Analytics, 1, 2, 71 b-72 a.
39. The Method and Division of the Sciences, trans. by Armand Maurer (Toronto: The Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1953).
40. Metaphysics, I, 2.
41. Vedanta Sutras, I, 1, 2.
42. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter: Faith and Reason, Sept. 1998.