THE VALUES OF AN URBANIZED SOCIETY

IN A SOCIALIST SYSTEM

LEON DYCZEWSKI

The term value can be understood in different ways. Here by value is meant an object (e.g., an apartment, a car, a precious ring or painting, etc.) or a condition of human existence (e.g., a sense of security, justice, love, peace, etc.) which is recognized to be good. That is, it is considered to be so attractive as to be wanted, to stimulate action, to specify the mode of one's behavior and to become the basis for its evaluation. Values refer to a given person, to a social group and to society. Sets of values form the picture of a good and happy person, a successful family, a group of friends, a good environment and a good society. Thus, they have individual and social dimensions but they are always concerned with a person. They always belong to somebody: i.e., there is somebody to become aware of them and put them into effect; they make somebody happy or unhappy. Values always have a personal nature.

The following states in one's attitude towards values can be distinguished:

1. becoming aware of values;

2. considering them as worth possessing and then desiring them as the aim of one's activities;

3. undertaking actions aimed at achieving these values; and

4. feeling satisfaction in achieving values, or suffering distress at not being able to achieve them fully, or properly, or not at all.

From these states it is evident that not every value is appreciated and that not every appreciated value can be brought to effect. There are values which are recognized and desired by the individuals, but cannot be put into effective whole or in part--at this time or in the place the individual is living at a given moment. Their realization must be postponed or spread over a longer period of time; they thus pass into the world of ideals. Therefore, the fact that someone does not express a given idea at the moment or does not bring it into effect does not necessarily mean that he is unaware of, or does not desire, it. This implies three questions.

1. Becoming aware of values, expressing them and putting into effect depends upon various factors, the most important of which are: a) the general atmosphere or so-called spirit of time (Zeitgeist) which is expressed, on the one hand, in current ideologies, trends in thinking, religion and fashion and, on the other hand, in social structures, ways of exercising authority and living conditions; b) psycho-physical features of the individual: for example, one who is healthy prefers different values than one in poor health; the same is true of the person who has a gift for art and the individual insensitive to beauty; c) intermediate structures, i.e., social groups to which the individual belongs, e.g., a state official of high rank and his children may look and act upon the value of social equality in a quite different manner than a casual laborer and his family. Material values may be expressed and brought into effect differently by a member of a religious charismatic group and a member of a commercial enterprise.

2. Preferences of values and the ways of bringing them into effect change both among individuals and among social groups.

3. Empirical study of the values of individuals and social groups, not to mention the whole society, is extremely difficult. The fundamental problem is to find proper indicators of a given value and to formulate them in suchwise that they are understood in the same way both by the person carrying out the research and by the respondents. None of the empirical methods which have been applied so far can assure that values which belong to the deepest areas of human personality will be properly expressed, understood and interpreted.

Psychologists, sociologists and students of culture undertake research of this type, aware of the difficulties which may arise while studying values. In spite of some disadvantages, they are able to demonstrate in a more or less accurate manner the things people desire and aim at, the values for which they are willing to suffer, and those about no one could ever persuade them. This knowledge enables them to define better the character of a given society, to understand the processes it undergoes, and even to control these changes or to bring about new phenomena. For the latter reasons the politicians are now becoming more and more interested in the study of values.

Polish sociology has always been interested in values. Their study is its most specific feature, while macro-social problems and processes of overall social change are more characteristic of American sociology. Problems connected with values have become very popular in Poland of late, and for several reasons.

1. Poland has undergone rigid urbanization and industrialization, and this process has not yet been completed. Apart from GDR, Czechoslovakia and Hungary, Poland is one of the most urbanized and industrialized socialist countries: over 70 percent of the population and over 60 percent of all families live in towns.

2. Among socialist countries, social and political unrest arises more often and on a larger scale in Poland, as can be witnessed by events in 1956, 1968, 1970, 1976, 1980-81 and 1988. 3. There has been a deep political, social and economic crises in Poland since December 13, 1981 when the "Solidarity" movement was repressed.

Values are closely related to these three groups of phenomena. Their basis lay in the appreciation of certain values and in tenacity of purpose. The values achieved then became the basis for new ones, and the system of values changed. Students of social life, as well as politicians, have been researching the values of different social groups in order to explain changes in society, to foresee their direction and to influence their course. In various ways we have managed to collect and interpret vast miscellaneous data.

Regardless of these reservations, an overall picture of the values of Polish society can be drawn. It should be stressed that this picture is made up mostly of the values declared, i.e., elicited from the respondents regarding the things they consider valuable, what they desire, and what they want to achieve. Their actions may or may not be consistent with their declarations, for though one may declare in favor of a certain value that does not mean necessarily that one will bring it into existence or vice versa. For example, in the seventies the studies indicated that young people were most interested in marriage and family life, friends and settling down--i.e., in private affairs and stabilization. The authorities declared by them did not contain tendencies towards change, not to mention revolution. In spite of this a new social and political movement "Solidarity" came into being at the beginning of the eighties and it was for the most part the younger generation of Poles who supported it. They were most interested in political and social problems, and took an active part in carrying out reforms. Thus, they behaved quite differently than might have been concluded from their opinions on the values they expressed in interviews by researchers.

One more comment: the picture of the values of Polish society presented here is concerned for the most part with the urban population and the younger generation as most studies on this subject were conducted in towns and among the youth.

The fundamental set of values esteemed by Polish society has been stable for a long time. These values can be divided into two groups. The first includes values concerning social (public) life which constitutes a picture of the so-called good society. The second comprises values related to private life and creates an image of the so-called good man, husband, friend, neighbor, or co-worker. This difference is only of methodological nature, for facilitating the analysis of the material collected. In reality, however, these two groups of values overlap each other and are realized by the same person.

The set of values concerning social life is made up of the following items which most often are mentioned in the various studies:

1. equality of opportunity for life and development;

2. pluralism of ideologies, parties, and democracy understood as opportunity for citizens to influence the exercise of authority on its various levels;

3. freedom of expression and truth in mutual communication;

4. justice;

5. dignity as manifested in respect for the citizens by authorities and offices;

6. political independence and national sovereignty, an independent economy;

7. a healthy and efficient economy reflected in a sufficiency of goods and services to satisfy the needs of all citizens.

All these values seen together constitute the so-called good society which Poles want to create. The respondents have mentioned the same values over a long period of time with little change. If we can speak of change in recent years it is only that the set of values mentioned above has become more explicit. Poles are fully alive to them and cannot imagine engaging in social life deprived of the possibility of putting these values into effect. Thus they became less responsive to suggestions that certain values be achieved now and others left for the future when conditions, internal and external, are more favorable.

The values related to private life most often mentioned by respondents include the following:

1. love, a successful marriage, a good family;

2. the transcendental values of God, religious and eternal life;

3. a group of friends;

4. a good job, i.e., one with sufficient income, interest and satisfaction;

5. proper, but not too high, living standards as measured by the possession of such permanent goods as a) a place to live, b) such basic household appliances as an automatic washer, refrigerator, TV set, telephone and c) a car--even the smallest;

6. dignity and respect in interpersonal relations; and

7. a sense of life purpose in life--that you are useful and have somebody or something to live for.

Independently of our classification of values around social and private life, both of these groups are seen together so that a success is seen in putting them into effect simultaneously. In any case, the values of social life are not considered by the Poles as autotelic, but rather as instrumental in relation to a person. Thus, the creation of the so-called good society is to improve the lives of a given people and to enable them to be more satisfied with their existence. In the Poles' system of values there is a strong relationship between the values of social and private life, but these relationships are based not on the society, the state as would be desired by the official sociopolitical system, but on the person. The second feature of this system of values is its stress on direct interpersonal relations in small groups; the third one is its appreciation of values concerning such so-called human rights as dignity and freedom; the fourth is its emphasis upon transcendent and religious values.

Values guide human behavior but all these activities are dependent not only on the things people value, but also on various other factors which influence their life situation. One factor of great importance is the socio-political system of a given country. It is so important because it determines general patterns of the activities of individuals and social groups, which in turn may facilitate or impede the exercise of values which they desire. Most Poles oppose the Marxist-Leninist system of their country and consider it an obstacle to achieving their values.

It should be noted here that disaffection from the socio-political system is characteristic not only of Polish society, but of Western countries as well. There are, however, two basic differences between this negative attitude in the two societies. The first is that in the West it is expressed mainly by the younger generation and weakens considerably when they become adults. Thus, it can be interpreted as a symptom in social life. The negative attitude in Poland, however, is strong in all generations, although it is weakest among the oldest persons. The second difference is the degree of reluctance regarding the system. This is total in Polish society as more and more of its members come to a conclusion that this system cannot be reformed in any way, but that its principles, i.e., the whole system, should be changed. In Western countries, however, the reluctance concerns only certain elements of the system. Though people criticize it bitterly, they consider it reformable.

Three attitudes can be taken to be an obstacle: one may overcome it, one can evade it, i.e., escape from it, or one can get used to it and get along with it. All these attitudes toward the socio-political system can be observed in Poland.

Several times Polish society has tried to overcome a socio-political system imposed upon it. All such efforts, however, have been unsuccessful so far. The "Solidarity" movement in the years 1980-1981 was the most likely to succeed.

A considerable part of Polish society evaded the system by leaving the country. It is estimated that since 1951, i.e., since the socialist system stabilized, 1,400,000 citizens emigrated from Poland, about 500,000 of these during the eighties.

Those who stay in the country have managed to work out certain ways of adjustment after 40 years of living in a socialist system. It would be extremely interesting to analyze how these ways coincide or disagree with the values of the people. It has been impossible so far to make such comparisons because there are many patterns of human behavior with even more varied motivations. They can be explained, to some extent, by characteristic features of so-called behavioral orientations which were shaped throughout two generations and, like values, can be divided into behavioral orientations towards social or public life and behavioral orientations concerning private life. It is difficult to characterize all the behavioral orientations functioning in contemporary Polish society. This paper will discuss only the seven pairs of orientations which, according to M. Maroda, are the most typical.

1. There has been a devaluation of work in the public sector: it is not valued and is badly done. Factors influencing such an attitude include especially poor organization, low wages and little influence of workers upon production and distribution of goods. In the private sector, however, work is highly valued and well done.

2. People expect the state to take care of all their affairs, without any risk on their part. They are deeply convinced that the welfare state should insure their rights. In their private lives, however, these citizens are self-reliant and undertake very risky actions.

3. In the social sector the initiative belongs to the state; people are helpless and even unable to undertake independent actions which require much responsibility. All decisions are in the hands of political authorities who are responsible for everything, even for people's actions in the public sector. In private life, however, citizens are energetic, make decisions, and are fully responsible for their actions and their consequences.

4. In the social sector people concentrate on short-term, immediate needs and matters: long-term planning and actions are impossible. The time horizon becomes constrained in public life, whereas private life is characterized by long-term planning and action extending for a whole generation. The extreme nature of the situation can be observed when parents of a nursery school child begin to look for an apartment, a better school, or even a good job for the child in the future.

5. In social life people aim at an "average level" and try not to be too good. In private life they tend to develop all their possibilities as much as they can, to distinguish themselves and to stress the differences of their personality.

6. In social life there is an egalitarianism of opportunity and achievement which S. Novak calls "envious egalitarianism" because it does not duly appreciate achievements and people's efforts are underestimated. In private life people are eager to praise the success of the others achieved through talent and hard work.

7. In social life there is collective egoism expressed by citizens' demands upon the state based upon their membership in a certain group favored by the state. Members of the PZPR (Polish United Workers' Party), ZBOWID (Association of Fighters for Liberty and Democracy), PRON (Patriotic Movement for National Rebirth) or ZSP (Polish Students' Association) expect certain privileges simply because they belong to these organizations without any active participation on their part. In private life, however, people manifest altruism through their sensitivity and generosity towards individuals in need, families with problems, or initiatives wanted and needed by society.

While comparing the above behavioral orientation with the system of values some discrepancies can be observed which are especially important to social life. There may be various reasons, but one of the basic causes is the socialist system, founded on Marxist-Leninist principles. It functions badly because the socio-political system of a country creates conditions which are less favorable for shaping behavior if it is inconsistent with the preferred values.

The discrepancies between the values and the behavioral orientations of the Polish society in a socialist system create some specific phenomena.

1. A hierarchical (vertical) system of values in which all values are subordinated to one superior value becomes more rare in Polish society. The predominant system of values is compound and a horizontal system becomes more frequent. In a compound system when a set of values is accepted two or three values dominate and the situation determines which will be chosen and brought into effect. There is no supreme value which varies according to the situation. This system is characteristic for individuals of immature neurotic personality. From their behavior one may conclude that they have lost their orientation as to what is possible and impossible, what is rewarded and punished by society. Their behavioral orientation is worked out by trial and error as they oscillate between the attitudes that everything is possible and that nothing can be done.

2. Public and private life become separated and even opposed to each other, while at the same time differences between the roles performed by one individual in these two spheres of life is obliterated. Thus, individuals performing certain roles in public life profit for their private life, which is officially forbidden, while in their private activities they take advantage of their social status. In such situations the same behavior can be considered as both good and bad, depending on the point of view from which it is evaluated. This results in a double morality in society.

3. Family, being one of the most appreciated and desired values, is in a difficult situation, not only because of the economic crisis, but also because of the unfavorable conditions in which its basic function is performed. The family inserts the younger generation into the system of values properly, but less properly into social roles. This is because social roles are connected mostly with the general principles of human actions and behavior, and less--or even disconnected from--the aims of the social group in which these roles will be performed in the future. This happens because the family does not frequently approve of the aims officially adopted and accepted by the group. Quite often it presents youths with other aims or interprets existing aims in a different way. Thus, the process of socialization does not fully suit the official groups of a society.

4. Society, in seeking to realize its values encounters many difficulties and easily adopts ideas promising total improvement of political, social and economic life. Overly simplified offers dependent on but one factor become very popular. This is manifested in popularity of such slogans as: "if the authorities approved of agricultural foundations, the problem of shortage of food would be solved quickly"; "if PRON did not exist, there would be national agreement"; or "if we did not export so many goods to the USSR, our balance of trade would be profitable." Social orientations of this type make it difficult to work out complex and long-term plans for social and economic development, and even if such plans were worked out it would impair their approval by society.

5. Polish society is much interested in macro-social problems and politics in a broad sense. The average Pole is well acquainted with internal and external politics, but at the same time he/she avoids any political activity within existing social and political organizations because they are considered to be extensions of the authorities. It can be concluded then that for the most part society knows how to shape social life but does not do so and, what is more, that it is dissatisfied with its government. In December 1987, about 80% of respondents expressed only negative opinions on government. This creates an atmosphere of contingent socio-political riot, which was confirmed by studies in December of 1987 when people revealed their strong tension and dissatisfaction. Only 12% of the respondents were of the opinion that there would not be any serious social conflicts in the years to come. This kind of atmosphere does not foster social reforms, impedes the development of social life as a whole, and deprives the citizens of a sense of security.

6. The society does not readily abandon its desire to maintain consistency between its values and its actions and behavior. Such consistency is necessary, even decisive, for social development. In order to achieve this desire many members of Polish society form social groups of various kinds in order to realize their values. Many groups exist and still more are being formed. They provide a basis for creative social life and a cultural alternative to the official structures. We can say even that in the eighties two separate societies and public lives came into being in Poland: one connected with the authorities and other official forms of state power and the other withdrawing from everything related to the authority and the state. Such a situation surely impedes responding to the needs of, and decisions regarding, social life. At the same time, however, it makes it possible to respond to the values of the society, or at least of the major part.

Several conclusions can be drawn from this analysis of prevalent values in Polish society in the '80s as regards the behavioral orientation and socialist system based on Marxist-Leninist principles.

1. Values in Polish society in the '80s actually resemble values prevailing in Western societies regarding social life, but they are quite different as far as the private life is concerned. In private life the Poles highly value, desire and realize what concerns family, personal contacts and religious life; this is not the case in Western societies.

2. Values are the basis of social life. When values which are appreciated and desired by most of the society can not be realized in a given socio-political system it results in the following situations:

a) the society becomes more aware of values that are crucial for social and political life;

b) spiritual elite groups are formed which express and propagate values important for the society;

c) behavioral orientations arise which are inconsistent with appreciated and desired values, especially with regard to social life; and

d) general social phenomenon emerge which impair the gradual, overall development of social life.

3. Neither economic nor administrative reforms can eliminate, or prevent, the negative phenomena in social life which arise as a result of the inconsistency between the values of the larger part of a society and the propounded offered by the official socio-political system. It is necessary to change the system so that it corresponds to values prevailing in social consciousness.

The Catholic University of Lublin

Lublin, Poland

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