CHAPTER
XV
SCRIPTURAL
FAITH AND ETHNICITY:
Some
Lessons from the Islamic Experience
SULAYMAN S. NYANG
Howard University
As
we move towards the end of this decade in the last century of this millennium we
are being forced by the trend of global events to address a number of issues
which sometime in the distant past did not occupy the attention of our
ancestors. Because of the growing power of these events and owing to the
complexities they create for the average human being, it is now imperative that
some attention be given to them. One of the key issues that is beginning to make
life nasty, brutish and short is the conflation of two explosive issues in the
human condition. These are the issues of religion and ethnicity. Much blood has
been shed by many human beings who sometimes really believe that their violent
actions serve a divine cause. This distortion of the teachings of the Great
Religions of humanity has been most brutal and fanatical when the blood of the
tribe is sanctified and made sacred by the fanatical utterances of the
religiously intoxicated.
We
must think seriously about the roots of religious and ethnic bigotry. We must
examine how, why, and when men and women of faith succumb to the inner urging of
the darker side of their lives. Why is it necessary for men and women of faith
to embrace fanatically their ethnic group to the point of violating the rights
and dignity of others in the name of the Creator? Why do we human beings affirm
at one level of our being the universality of the Divine Revelation and yet
hypocritically betray it by dancing joyously at the shrine of our tribal gods?
How do we reconcile ourselves to the fact that our tribal loyalties in
themselves are neither enough to guarantee us a stable and spiritually rewarding
life nor sufficient in making the other human being inferior and worthless in
the eyes of the Creator?
In
addition to the "why" questions, there are also the "whens"
and the "whats." When does tribal loyalty reinforce religious loyalty?
Does it take place under certain conditions? If this hy-pothesis is correct,
then what are the historical and contemporary evidences that can help us chart a
path of religious and ethnic reconciliation? The skeptic and cynic might well
ask at this juncture whether such a process of reconciliation has any future.
Those of us who are die-hard advocates and promoters of dialogue between the
members of the religious traditions of humankind, will never give up hope. We
will continue to ask and answer the questions dealing with the whys and the
whens. In so doing, we must focus our attention also on the quiddity or nature
of the phenomenon.
But
if indeed there are many of us in the world who still have residual if not
substantive hope in the interfaith process, then why can we not begin to explore
the how questions? Let us start with how can we avoid the repetition of Bosnia
and Rwanda, two of the most recent ghastly examples of man’s inhumanity to
man. These two tragedies which are daily brought into our living rooms tell us a
great deal about ourselves and about the strange and sometimes bizarre
psychology which defines our identity, our self-image and our self-worth.
Watching such events unravel before our eyes forces the religiously conscious
human being to ask the long-standing question: Are God and his message to
humankind still relevant? It is indeed to this and other related questions that
we now turn.1
The
purpose of this paper is to examine the theological and historical evidences
regarding Islam and ethnicity in human societies in our age. The first part of
the paper addresss the theo-logical questions regarding the Qur’anic view of
man. Under this section we will explore the role and place of ethnicity in
Muslim theological discourse. Attention will be focused on the Qur’anic and
hadithic literature. Opinions of Muslims scholars who deal spe-cifically with
the ethnic question will be drawn from whenever avail-able and necessary.
The
second section will look at the historical record to de-monstrate how the
theological formulations of the Qur’an and the hadithic literature stating the
Prophetic positions on issues of this kind have been violated or circumvented by
Muslims in the past and in the contemporary period. By examining the men and
women over time, and how those who wish to construct an edifice of peace and
tolerance in interreligious societies can work together in becoming more
appreciative of their common humanity regardless of their national, racial,
ethnic and religious backgrounds.
The
third section of this chapter will offer a number of con-clusions about the
nature of ethnicity and how Islam and Muslims have dealt with it theologically
and historically. It is hoped that such conclusions can add to the discourse on
ethnicity and religion in our contemporary world.
ISLAM AND ITS THEOLOGICAL
POSITION ON ETHNICITY
Modern
human beings are so assimilated to the culture of nationalism that they hardly
bother to examine its assumptions. Furthermore, the nationalist and ethnic
chauvinists have been so successful in their propaganda campaigns that they
usually co-opt religion and religious leaders in their war of words against
their perceived enemies sitting on the opposite ends of the fault lines of
ethnic and nationalist entities.2 Such smugness would have gone unchallenged if human society
had not witnessed the holocaust against Jews in Germany, the brutalities against
Bosnian Muslims and the rape of their women by their onetime Serb neighbors.
These and several other outrageous developments in recent hu-man history have
made it imperative for scholars and other res-ponsible members of society to
look for the root causes of such violent acts, especially because some of the
perpetrators of such acts have rationalized their misdeeds in the name of one
religion or the other.3
Islam
is one of the three Abrahamic religions and one of the five major religions of
the world. Its position on and attitudes to-wards ethnicity can be gleaned from
several verses from the Qur’an and from the hadithic literature attributed to
the Prophet Mu-hammad. The theological position is graphically stated in the
creation story. Similar to, but significantly different from, Hebrew and
Christian biblical accounts of the creation story, the Qur’anic account raises
several points that deserve attention whenever and wherever anyone wishes to
discuss the attitudes of world religions towards the ethnic question.4
First
of all, it should be noted that in the Islamic view of creation, when Allah
(God) decided to create Man, he consulted with his angelic courtiers. They at
first expressed doubts about Man and wondered whether he would not be shedding
blood on earth. To this expression of doubt about the human condition, Allah
res-ponded by saying that He knows what his angelic courtiers did not know.5 The Qur’anic
story later tells us that Allah’s decision was to create a viceregent(Khalifa)
in the person of Adam, the primal Man. Chosen to be deputized by the Creator and
charged with the custodial responsibility of managing nature and the processes
of human development on earth, Adam became the Great Trustee of creation.6
He and his progeny were now destined to create an earthly civilization which
would be bounded by a covenant with the Creator. From a Muslim point of view
Adam was the first Prophet of God on earth and his world was to be ordered in
accordance with the teachings of the Creator. This dignified place and role in
creation is, to use a more contemporary metaphor, encoded by DNA in all human
beings on earth.7
This
Adamite gene is the basis of human equality founded on monogenesis. Most
significantly for our discussion here is that part of the story where Allah
invited all his angelic and jinnic creations to bow before Adam. According to
the Qur’an, when Allah called upon Iblis (Satan) to bow before his new human
creation, he refused, saying that he could not bow before Adam because he was a
lower grade of being. This is to say, he (Iblis) was made out of smokeless fire
while Adam was made out of dust. This statement of Iblis’ has been identified
by Muslim scholars as the first creational evidence of prejudice and
discrimination.8
Building upon this understanding and taking Iblis as a creature whose pride and
prejudice have com-bined to disobey a Divine command, Muslims can now describe
any manifestations of racism and ethnic chauvinism as Iblisian. This terminology
and the understanding it conveys are beginning to gain greater currency in the
modern world. This is not because Muslims have not paid attention to this
phenomenon before, but because it is only in this age that the races and ethnic
language groups have come together more closely than at any time in the history
of the humankind.9
Although
Muslims have always witnessed over the last four-teen centuries the diversity of
the human races through the annual event of pilgrimage, their collective
experience at the Hajj (annual pilgrimage) was not shared in by members of other
faith com-munities. Indeed, until the fifteenth century of the Gregorian ca-lendar,
not many European and Asian believers of Christianity, Buddhism and Hinduism
knew people of other races who embraced their faiths.10
The situation has changed radically and dramatically largely because of the
electronic revolution and the emergence of what is called the televillage. Two
factors have accounted for this change. The first is the historical events known
as the age of discovery and the colonization of the non-European worlds by
European powers. The second was the scientific and technological revolution
which now governs the way we act and feel.11
ISLAM AND THE
MANIFESTATION OF ETHNICITY IN
THE
MUSLIM WORLD
The
theological teachings of Islam certainly do not count-enance racism, ethnicity
and tribalism in human societies. How-ever, because of the moral fragility of
human beings, they cannot be trusted to live faithfully at all times in
accordance with these Divine commands. The earliest manifestation of tribal
loyalty in Islamic history took place immediately after the death of the
Prophet. It came from some of the Arab tribes who felt that his death terminated
their obligations to the Muslim community. Convinced that their bonds were
linked only to the deceased leader of the Muslim community and determined to
reassert their old sense of freedom and independence, they took to arms.
These
acts of rebellion were not allowed by the succeeding leadership to go
unchallenged.12 Known as the
Rida wars, these armed conflicts between the young Muslim community and the
tribal Arabs resisting the hegemony of Islam, set once and for all the unacceptability
of tribalism and the universality of Islam. In addition to the total
rejection of tribalism, the Rida wars also left another important legacy to
Muslims. Henceforth, in Muslim official circles and in popular imagination, the
celebration of one’s tribalism and ethnic chauvinism would be associated with jahiliyya
days. This is to say, those who sacrifice universality on the altar of tribal
and ethnic gods would be guilty of shirk (associating partnership with God)
because, like Satan in the Creation story, they are rejecting the principle of
universal equality among human beings and extolling the principle of genetic or
moral superiority with no basis.13
This
association of ethnic chauvinism and tribalism with Iblis in the Creation story
has a powerful message to send to Muslims and others familiar with this
Qur’anic account of the Creation story. Muslims who appreciate the message
contained in such a story have throughout history tried to discourage ethnic
chauvinism. However, their efforts failed on several occasions because of the
contradictions in Muslim society. The existence of slaves from societies outside
of the Arab World and the Arab emphasis on ge-nealogical lines together created
a phenomenon which increasingly favored Arab families over the latter-day
Muslims from other ethnic background. Because of this discrimination in favor of
Arabs, a condition made possible by many of the non-Arab Muslims began to
question the un-Islamic nature of this practice and soon a cultural movement,
known to students of Muslim civilization as the Shuubiya Movement, came
into being.14 Pitted
linguistically and ethnically against the dominant Arabs ruling over the
Ummayyad dynasty, and thoroughly convinced by their Islam that they had all the
rights of citizenship by virtue of their profession of the Islamic faith, these
advocates of the non-Arab movement would later be identified by scholars as
contributors to the overthrow of the Um-mayyad dynasty. One can say
retrospectively that the Shuubiya movement in Islam helped usher in a new order
under the leader-ship of the Abbassids. This new dispensation redefined the
nature of the relationship between Arabs and non-Arabs within the Islamic
civilization. Though ethnicity continued to exist in Muslim ranks, its negative
and blatantly favoristic character was no longer allowed to raise its ugly head.
There
is however one major historical event which deserves our attention here. This
relates to the story about the revolt of the East African slaves known to
history as the Zinj Uprising of 869 A.D. Brought from Africa to work in the salt
flats near Basra in southern Iraq, they operated very much like the other slaves
in Muslim so-cieties of the Mediterranean. It should be stated categorically
that at this time there was no racial association of slavery with one particular
ethnic/racial group as in the case of the United States of America. The Islamic
economy did not depend on the slaves and such persons who found themselves in
this servile position were employed mainly as house servants and to a lesser
extent as members of the military. In terms of severity of labor conditions, the
Zanj were certainly unmatched.15
Convinced that their conditions were intolerable they responded favorably to the
agitation from the Shiite advocates of social equality and freedom.
It
is said by historians that this movement of slave rebels captured many cities
and towns and that by 878 CE they were near Baghdad itself. It was only in 883
CE that the central government successfully put an end to their rebellion. In
discussing the case of the Zinj we do not in any way intend to convey the
feeling that racism was the reason for their servitude; rather, the idea is to
tell the reader that the agitators against the intolerable conditions of the
Zinj slaves were themselves Shiite Muslim Arabs and that Islam was the
motivation force for their sense of outrage.16
Without
undue stretching, one can draw a parallel to the abolitionist movement and the
Christian sense of outrage that galvanized its movers and shakers. This fact was
not lost to Adib Rashad, a prolific African American writer, when he wrote in
1995, that "(i)t is most interesting to note, however that in Western
societies opposition to slavery spawned anti-slavery movements whose numbers and
commitment often came from church groups. No such movements ever developed in
other societies-including Islamic societies."17
Although Rashad acknowledged the absence of a mass movement against slavery in
Muslim lands, he was quick to add the following: "Despite the fact that
there were no Muslim grassroots movements seeking to abolish slavery, it is
imperative to discuss briefly what the Qur’an and Prophet Muhammad (PBUH)
stated regarding this sensitive subject. Although the Qur’an did not abolish
slavery in clear, specific language, Qur’anic injunctions elevate the moral
and material status of slaves and encourage their freedom. The freeing of slaves
was/is regarded as a meritorious act, an act that brings a human being closer to
God."18 The African-American author went on to tell us that there were twelve
chapters and thirty-two passages in which references are made to slavery. He
also made reference to the numerous hadiths on slavery from the Prophet himself.
These
references, as I have tried to explain earlier, are simply the idealization of
what humans are supposed to do in their social sphere. In Islamic history the Shariah
became the vehicle through which such interpretations were made for society by a
community of legal scholars called Fuqaha. In the majority of cases the
jurists accepted the established tradition that Muslims should and must not
enslave one another and that persons who became Muslims should be accorded their
equal rights. There were however in-stances in Muslim history when individual
Muslims, out of greed or personal power, contravened the established Muslim
tradition. Adib Rashad, in the work cited above, reminded us that Muhammad bin
Hamid (infamously known as Tippo Tip) carved out a slave trading empire for
himself in the upper Congo in central Africa in the last decades of the last
century.19
ISLAMIC EXPERIENCE IN
NORTH AMERICA
We
have dwelled on the issue of slavery and its effects on the enslaved because in
the Western World today we are still dealing with the after effects of the
African slave trade. The continuing stigmatization of blackness and the negative
consequences it has for those lumped together under this category in American
and elsewhere in the World, have together affected almost all dis-cussions on
religion and race. It is only through such discussions that we can grasp the
problems and challenges facing those of us living at the point where race, color
and ethnicity intersect. This is particularly relevant for those of us in North
America when we recognize the fact that the coming of Islam to the United States
of America has led to two tendencies toward race and racism. I have called these
two tendencies as the "Webbian" and the "Elijahan"
tendencies.20 The former is the articulation of the traditional po-sition
which is captured in one of the Qur’anic verses as follows:21
Oh
Mankind! Lo! we have created you male and female, and have made you into nations
and tribes that ye may know one another. Lo! the noblest of you, in the sight of
Allah, is the best of conduct.
This
Qur’anic verse must always be placed side by side with the famous words of the
Prophet when he made his Farewell Address to the Muslim ummah at Mount
Arafat in Arabia. As re-ported in the collections of hadiths by Imam Buhari and
several others, the Prophet told the assembly the following:22
There
is no advantage for Arab over a
Non-Arab,
or for a white man
over
a black man, excepting by piety.
The
American advocate of this traditional Qur’anic position was a white American
Muslim who had embraced the religion after many years of spiritual journey
within the Theosophical Society of America. While serving as U.S. consul in
Manila, Philippines, Mr. Alexander Russell Webb, who changed his first name to
Mu-hammad, preached this doctrine to fellow Americans out of his headquarters in
Manhattan, New York, where he edited the first known Muslim publication on the
continent and at the Parliament of World Religions in Chicago in 1893.23
In Webb’s as well as in any genuine Muslim’s mind, racism and ethnic
chauvinism cannot be accepted by Islam and Americans can benefit immeasurably
from an exposure to such a teaching because it would help reduce drastically the
tensions generated by race consciousness and race conflict.
While
the Muslim traditionalists peddle the old message from the Prophet, another
message self-consciously identified with Islam by its advocates, but in
principle antithetical to its tenets about monogenesis, appeared among blacks
living in Detroit in the 1930’s. This second message was that of the Nation of
Islam founded by a mysterious character, Farad Muhammad. Much has been said
about this man and his movement.24 What is relevant to our discussion here is his use and
misuse of Islam in the creation of a mythology/theology and a genesis story to
address the negative legacies of slavery and racism among U.S. blacks. These
have lived in the south since slavery, but were beginning to establish new homes
in northern cities where they were also encountering immigrants from overseas.
From
the above we can see that two opposing tendencies have emerged among Americans
who call themselves Muslims. Although the vast majority of them would classify
themselves as orthodox Muslims who have no connection with the views of the
Nation of Islam, the fact remains that race and racism have become a part of the
Muslim American consciousness. Because of this state of affairs in American (and
Western) society, it is important to focus on how race and racism are dealt with
in American Muslim circles. Three points about the nature of ethnicity within
the larger Ame-rican Muslim community:
The
first point is related to the call for, and the maintenance of, Muslim
solidarity. This appeal to universal brotherhood (or sisterhood) of humankind is
heard almost daily among Muslims in the United States of America. Their call for
solidarity is seen in theological and political terms. Theologically, Muslims
quote to each other the Qur’anic verses which direct humankind to see
themselves as children of Adam and to do good works during their lifetime in
this sublunar world. Politically, Muslims appeal to the universal ummah whenever
they wish to register their presence in the councils of men and to demonstrate
their ability to sink their differences.
The
second point is the fact that ethnicity in the global context could be
acknowledged without necessarily undermining the basis of Islamic solidarity.
This is an important point because on this matter the Muslim community in the
United States of America, for example, stands to benefit from the historical
experiences of Catholic Americans. This group of American Christians have been
characterized historically as a community of ethnics who are untied by a common
faith in Christ and by their adherence to a body of teachings whose
interpretation rests entirely in the hands of papal leadership at the Vatican.
Although Muslims do not have any universal structure that parallels the Catholic
arrangement, the fact remains that American Muslims, as a religious minority
living in a predominantly Christian society, have over the last quarter of a
century tried to create national and international organizations that would
allow for greater communication and mutual collaboration in the development of
Islamic communities in North America.25
By
over stressing ethnic identities Muslims could easily undermine their solidarity
in America or elsewhere in the world where they constitute a minority. Fearful
of this negative outcome, many a Muslim now advocates inter-ethnic cooperation
and col-laboration in order to safeguard their individual and collective selves.
If and when they live up to this ideal, Muslim men and women can be said to be
on the path of greater unity. Under such conditions ethnicity and tribalism
cannot last long and Muslims stand to profit immeasurably whenever such a state
of affairs exists.
The
third point is the fact that ethnicity and tribalism can be a source of
alienation in a society where members divide along racial, ethnic or tribal
lines. Since Islam abhors any attempt to glorify one’s race or ethnicity, it
would indeed be "Iblisian" (Satanic) to act towards fellow human
beings strictly on racial or ethnic lines. This applies to those who embrace
racist or tribalistic ideologies of hate and are most likely to make other human
beings feel alienated by their racially or ethnically antagonistic neighbors.
CONCLUSIONS
First,
Islam is a world religion categorically opposed to any form of discrimination
among human beings. Those humans who are too proud to share the earth and its
wealth with their fellow humans because they believe that their racial or ethnic
group has special favors from the Creator, are Iblisian in character and, for
this and other reasons, deserve condemnation. The second con-clusion is that
though Islam as a belief system opposes racism and ethnic chauvinism, the
historical experiences of the Muslim peoples have made it categorically clear
that ethnic or tribal pre-judices have not disappeared completely. The Shuubiya
Movement and the contemporary uses and abuses of Islam about which we wrote
above lend support to the argument being made here. The third conclusion is that
ethnicity and Islam are not necessarily opposed to each other and that Muslims
living in the modern period are challenged to live peacefully with their
neighbors regardless of their ethnic or religious affiliations. This is the only
way a theology of pluralism can mature.
NOTES
1.
M. Darrol Bryant, "Overcoming History: On the possibilities of
Muslim-Christian Dialogue", Hamdard Islamicus, Vol. XVII, No. 2
(Summer, 1994), pp. 5-15; M. Darrol Bryant, Pluralism, Tolerance and
Dialogue: Six Studies (Waterloo, Ontario: University of Water-loo Press,
1989), especially chapter 1. See also Seyyed Hossein Nasr, "Comments on a
Few Theological Issues" in the Haddad edited, Christian-Muslim
Encounters (Gainesville, Florida: University Press of Florida, 1995), pp.
457-467 .
2.
Religion and nationalism are in many instances closely wedded together in
various parts of the world. The IRA campaign in Northern Ireland, the Bosnian
conflict in the Balkans, the Islamic campaign of HAMAS in the Middle East, the
use of Islamic symbols and slogans in the former Soviet republics in central
Asia, the Sikh quest for a national state called Kalistan carved out of India
are some of numerous examples one can cite.
3.
For some discussion on the dynamic interaction between religious fundamentalism
and the national state, see Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby, eds. Fundamentalisms
Comprehended, Vols. 1-5 (Chicago, Illinois: The University of Chicago Press,
1995).
4.
For a more comprehensive discussion of Christian, Jewish and Muslim
understanding of the creation story, see the following works: Elaine Pagels, Adam,
Eve and the Serpent (New York: Ran-dom House, 1988); Louie Jacobs, A
Jewish Theology (New York: First Vintage Books, 1996); Jaafar Sheikh Idris,
"Is Man the Vice-gerent of God?" Journal of Islamic Studies, I
(1990), pp. 99-110.
5.
For details on the Qur’anic story, see Chapter 2, Verses 30-39.
6.
For some discussion of man’s role as Khalifa (Vicegerent) of Allah in this
world, see The Qur’an, Chapter 2, Verses 30; Chapter 6, Verses 165.
7.
For the Qur’anic reference to Adam as Prophet, see Chapter 2, Verses 37.
8.
For the Qur’anic account of Iblis’ (Satan’s) refusal to bow to Adam, see
Chapter 2, Verse 34.
9.
For some recent Muslim discussion on tribalism, racism and ethnicity in
contemporary Muslim societies, see my essay on "Islam and Racism" in
Sulayman S. Nyang and Henry O. Thompson, ed., Islam: Its Relevance Today
(Barrytown, New York: Unification Theological Seminary, 1991), pp. 83-91. See
also the recent issue of a major Muslim publication in the U.S., Message
International, March, 1996, devoted to "Muslim Tribalism."
10.
It is interesting to note here that when Christian philo-sopher Justin wrote to
emperors of his time he defended his co-religionists by saying that they were a
people who had completely changed their way of life in matters of sex, money and
racial relations. As quoted in Elaine Pagels’ work listed above, Justin wrote
that ". . . we, who hated and destroyed one another, refusing to live with
those of a different race, now live intimately with them" (p. 59).
11.
For some discussions on the impact of the early Western encounter with the
Muslim and Third World regions of the world, see Walter Rodney, How Europe
Underdeveloped Africa (Wa-shington, D.C.: Howard University, 1982); Bernard
Lewis, The Middle East and the West (New York: Harper & Row
Publishers, Inc., 1964), chapter 2; Joel Kovel, White Racism: A Psychohistory
(New York: Vintage Books, 1970), especially chapter 9. For some Muslim and
Third World perspective on contemporary cultural forces impacting on the Muslim
and Third Worlds, see Ali A. Mazrui, Cultural Forces in World Politics
(Portsmouth, New Hampshire: Heinemann, 1991).
12.
For accounts of the Ridda wars, see F.E. Peters, Allah’s Commonwealth
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1973), pp. 78-89.
13.
For Qur’anic rejection of ethnicity and tribalism, see Chapter 49, Verse 13.
14.
On the Shuubya Movement, see Pes, op. cit., pp. 401-408.
15.
For more information on the Zanj revolt, see Peters, op.cit., pp. 477-80.
16.
Ibid.
17.
Adib Rashid, Islam, Black Nationalism and Slavery: A Detailed History
(Beltsville, Maryland: Writer’s Inc., 1995), p.50.
18.
Ibid.
19.
On the historical record of slavery in Muslim Africa, see Allan G.B. Fisher and
Humphrey J. Fisher, Slavery and Muslim Society in Africa (New York:
Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1971).
20.
See my first editorial in the maiden issue of The American Journal of Islamic
Studies, I, (Spring, 1984), p. ix.
21.
The Qur’an, Chapter 49, verse 13.
22.
This part of the Farewell Address has been cited by many biographers of the
Prophet of Islam.
23.
For a biographical sketch of M.A.R. Webb, see Emory H. Tunison, "Mohammed
Webb: First American Muslim." The Arab World, I, III (1945), pp.
13-18.
24.
For details on the early history of the Nation of Islam, see C. Eric Lincoln, Black
Muslim in America (Boston, Mass: Beacon Press, 1973); U.E. Essien-Udom,
Black Nationalism: A Search of an Identity in America (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1962).