INTRODUCTION
While it is true that the cities in Africa are rather few and less populated in comparison to the rest of the world, it is also true that currently there is a mass movement to urban centers. Very soon Africa will be faced with the problem of a population explosion in its cities. Already a number of problems exist in these cities; this paper will focus mainly on those which have arisen due to cultural differences and value clashes.
To understand the nature of these problems, one needs to have an insight into the basic social structures in Africa. In other words, to understand city life one needs to look beyond the city and understand rural and tribal life because the people who live in cities come from rural areas, and African cities still maintain very strong relations with rural societies. Consequently, both the urban and rural mentalities have influenced each other so much that they bear indissoluble marks on each other. This two-way influence may vary from country to country, or from city to city, or even from individual to individual. However, it is such a strong characteristic of African life today that those who are not aware of it will fail to understand a number of issues in their African experience.
As various individuals meet in the city, cultural differences tend to emerge since these individuals come from different cultural backgrounds to which they are strongly attached. If African cities had been built on unpopulated islands, they would present the picture of market places, or churches, or any other public places where different people meet for certain purposes and then return home. However, most of the African cities are built amidst certain ethnic groups, some of whom think the land is theirs and wonder why the rest of the groups have invaded them. For example, in 1966 problems arose in Uganda between the figurehead President and the executive Prime Minister. The Prime Minister removed the President from office and took all his power. But the deposed President happened to be the Kabaka or king of the Baganda, and the capital, Kampala, happened to be on Buganda land. Consequently, the Baganda ordered the Prime Minister to remove the capital from Buganda land! I will dwell on the fact that urban life in Africa is not yet divorced from rural life in the second part of this paper.
When we talk of cities in Africa, it is important to distinguish between those which developed during pre-colonial Africa and those which were introduced through colonialism. The significance of distinguishing between these two types of cities will be discussed in the third part of this paper. Concentration will be on modern or colonial cities which are more relevant to our theme. Modernity in Africa is measured by Western civilization: generally, urbanization leads to westernization. But as I have already explained, a westernized, urbanized individual has strong ties with the rural life of the area where his relatives live. The first problem to which this type of relationship leads has been described as cultural differences. The second problem, however, arises from within one cultural group. A school educated person tends to develop values that are strange to his traditionally educated parents. More broadly, those who have embraced the modern or western values find themselves clashing with those who have maintained their traditional values. What makes matters worse is that while the two categories may live apart conceptually, physically they share the same space and time.
The strange circumstances in which Africa finds itself today have an historical explanation. We have already seen that there were traditional cities, but today cities are mainly modern or western. Before the colonialists set foot in Africa, a number of nations had developed into full kingdoms or democracies, among other forms of government. But when Africa was partitioned on a sheet of paper at the Berlin Conference, no one paid attention to these already established dynamic, progressive, peaceful nations with their various cultures and values. Instead nations were mercilessly mutilated and disorganized into grotesque territories, colonies or protectorates. In nations the people are held together by indivisible bonds fabricated out of the common culture and values. But what held people together in these new territories were the gun, cruelty, positive law and conditioning to western culture, among other foreign values.
The concern of the colonialist was territorial. Regardless of the civilization that had existed on this territory over centuries, the colonialist demarcated his territory according to natural boundaries like rivers and mountains. This divided communal areas where families drew their water or grazed their cattle together, so that a father could cross over to visit his son only with permission from the new authorities.
Thus, Africa may be seen in historical perspective through three phases: pre-colonial Africa, colonial Africa, and post-colonial Africa. Part four of this paper will be dedicated to this historical explanation of the African predicament.
Many Africans have reacted differently to the circumstances that were created for them by the colonial authorities, among other foreign powers or influences. As this is a broad subject, I will cite only some examples of those who have resisted, and those who have crossed to the other side. This fact may also best be understood within the historical framework of the three phases. When the westerners fought the Africans physically and psychologically there was both resistance and success. Once the Africans freed themselves from the colonial yoke they established ministries of culture to liberate African values. Generally, this type of reaction may be summarized into three parts: those who over-react against the western influence and would rather cut the umbilical cord, thus making an about-turn toward everything African; those who, like their masters, still see nothing good in African culture and values; and those who are liberal and look at both sides objectively, accepting only what is acceptable and rejecting the rest. This reaction will be dealt with in part five.
Having shown the situation in African cities, the historical background which explains it, and the reaction of the people to it, we shall evaluate the significance of the city in African life today. In part six, I will show how the African city is double-edged. Finally, in part seven, I will discuss what philosophy can do for Africa, for it is not enough to describe and explain problems: it is necessary to seek solutions. I have suggested a philosophical approach to these problems, not as the best solution, but as one of the possible solutions. If my academic field were different, probably I would suggest a different approach.
Whenever one talks of philosophy, people react with mixed feelings. In the facial expressions of some one sees wonder and even disbelief. The general tendency seems to be that philosophy is too lofty to be called upon for down-to-earth problems. Of course, a lot depends on what one thinks philosophy or a philosopher to be. At an International Philosophy Conference on "Philosophy and the Mass-Man" in Cairo (1983), one philosopher argued that philosophy is for special people. I would like to retain the position I took there, namely, that philosophy does not come from heaven, but from the people in their capacity as people. Any mentally healthy person is capable of philosophizing. It is true that many people ask themselves philosophical questions without knowing it, but look lost when one speaks of philosophy since they know nothing about academic philosophy.
The basis of my argument, therefore, will be the assumption that what makes people human is certain common powers and abilities, e.g., the mind, the will, and such products of these powers as language, morality, law, religion and art, among others. While we may have different languages, moralities, laws, religions, etc., we have a common mind that enables us to reflect on our differences, appreciate others and learn from one another.
It is this type of reflection that I recommend for the African quandary. Generally, people acquire values through conditioning; they accept values without any rational grounds. Thus, whenever these values clash, chauvinism tends to set in and no one can convince the other. My position is that when we reflect on our values we should be able to establish rational grounds for them. While all values are valued, their rational grounds are not equally strong. Through philosophical reflection, we should be able to hierarchize our values and thereby be able to resolve many differences regarding which is the higher value.
URBAN VIS-A-VIS RURAL LIFE IN AFRICA
Urban life in Africa is so close to the rural that one can say, without expecting much contradiction, that almost all people who live in urban areas have roots in rural areas where they have a great deal at stake. Those who do not have parents have other relatives there. Unless one is a foreigner, one has both a house where he stays in the city and a home where his parents and other relatives live. The difference between house and home are extremely important. Many working people, including high officials, live in the houses that either belong to, or are rented by, the unit for which they work. It is important to note here that the employee lives in this house with his family and even other relatives only as long as he is still employed. This is very significant because at any time one can lose one's job or die, and eventually one must retire. In the event of any of the above, the family members, relatives, and whoever has been in the house will have to go. But where? This question arises, not on the spur of the moment, but much earlier in one's life, particularly when one gets married and knows there is a family that some day will need a home. What makes the question more crucial is that nobody can tell when!
Due to this uncertainty, many tend to resort to the rural areas. This is the safest in Africa today. First of all, when you have a good job and fit in the city it does not follow that all your children will fit there as well. Thus many think it wise to keep contacts with both urban and rural life. Second, experience has shown that whenever wars break out or even political uprisings, it is the urban people who suffer most. One may lose all one's savings in a day. Therefore, even those who can afford establishing homes in urban areas think twice before they do so. Many first develop homes in rural areas and then build houses in the urban areas for mere comfort. Third, when they retire many feel more comfortable in rural areas where life is often far cheaper and much easier to cope with. Fourth, the general tendency in Africa is to bury the dead at home, i.e., in rural areas, whereas urban areas are generally places of work. Loss of job, death, or retirement generally mean returning to the rural areas. Due to inflation land development is better than an insurance policy.
The following presidential examples illustrate this point. Recently, the former President of Tanzania, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, retired to a remote village on the shore of Lake Victoria in Northern Tanzania, at the far end of country from the city of Dar es Salaam where he had lived as President for over twenty years. He is the pride of Africa, not only because he left power and retired to his home, but because he served Tanzania and Africa with a clean record. The government and the Party of Tanzania had to give him a pension to survive and even built him a house--a very rare thing in political life.
The second presidential example is that of the late Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya who died at Mombasa. Immediately, the body was flown to Nairobi, and then driven to his home in Gatundu where his family members and relatives intended to bury him. In recognition of his services, the government of Kenya had to plead hard with his family to let him be buried in the city center. Partly due to culture, his body lay in state at Mombasa, then at Gatundu, and finally in the parliament buildings.
Generally, political life in Africa is considered to be the highest calling. Many take it as a sign of prestige, while others consider it the means to whatever they dream. To get into parliament, however, generally one has to win in elections in a constituency situated in the rural area. This situation has led parliamentarians, together with other aspirants and their respective friends, to keep in touch with the people back home. This entails development projects and other activities which keep urban areas in close contact with rural ones. There also are a number of organizations intended to keep in close contact the members from certain rural areas who are working in urban areas. These serve a number of purposes: social activities, marriage arrangements, rural development projects and burials, among other activities. As the various ethnic groups become so organized, the city tends to remain a no-man's land, merely a meeting place, or rather a place of work.
However, cities and towns are organized in a special way. People do not just go to work there as if it were in their gardens at home. Someone has to know which jobs are vacant, to advertise these jobs, and to arrange interviews. But as this someone must come from somewhere, and is bound thereby to certain others, corruption sets in. It is common to find certain organizations employing people from a particular ethnic group simply because the top man in that organization is from that group. This often leads to rivalry among ethnic groups as to who should man which job. Such tribalism not only leads to inefficiency at work, but often to actual fighting and political upheavals.
While this is a fact, it is also true that some organizations and individuals have transcended the tribal groupings, and deal with others objectively. They employ people on merit, and even marry those they love regardless of where they come from. While the clashes of values due to inter-marriages are becoming less, they are not dead. Many marriages fall into problems due to individual differences, but some are in difficulty due to inter-marriage. For example, some ethnic groups are patrilineal in contrast to those which are matrilineal. Whenever there is a divorce in a patrilineal ethnic group, the woman leaves the husband with the children and may marry elsewhere and have other children. In the matrilineal group, however, a woman leaves with her children, and goes with them to another husband. This entails two major complications. First, in the modern economy where many children are no longer an asset, the patrilineal group finds it difficult to accept the woman with another man's children. Secondly, such children will not be committing incest if they cohabit with those they find in the new family. Traditionally, brothers are supposed to protect their sisters against any immoral activities, but the sons of this new woman will not be in position to fulfill this responsibility.
The language barrier is often a problem too. Some marriages are made difficult by the in-laws who fail to communicate with their son's wife. It is important to remember that extended families in Africa are still the order of the day. It is not uncommon to find a house full of both the husband's and the wife's relatives, despite the fact that the salary of one or even both is not even enough for their food. Yet, it is almost a crime to tell these people to go back home. Often you are forced to borrow money, not only to buy them food, but to pay for their school fees and buy them clothes.
This extends beyond one's relatives. People assume the right to knock at your door explaining that they are a son of so-and-so from the village neighboring that of your fathers. You may not even be able to recall his father, but you will squeeze yourself and give him what he wants. Without this special manner of African life many of the big officers driving big cars in big cities would never have seen the inside of a classroom! We are rich because we share our poverty, and we are poor because we share the little we have.
THE AFRICAN CITY
Urban organizations seem to be natural to man. As nations naturally develop, certain circumstances lead a part of these nations to live in urban areas. Such circumstances could be those of administration, trade, industry or agriculture, among other human activities. Partly because of these activities cities arose in Africa at dates which are only partly known. Such cities include famous ones and those whose sites are the only thing known about them. For example, some ancient cities in North Africa were built thousands of years before Christ, others existed on the Eastern Coast of Africa, and still others existed in the interior and along the Nile Valley.
However, our immediate concern is with the modern cities where the problems of cultural and value differences are concentrated. In the previous part it was pointed out that these modern cities are not yet divorced from rural areas. For city life this implies that cultural clashes and tribalism, among other problems, exist in the city. While in the previous part we saw that city dwellers had difficulties coping with each other due to their cultural backgrounds, in this part we see them having some problems in common regardless of their cultural backgrounds since various individuals are similarly influenced by city life and similarly harassed by their respective cultural backgrounds. The problems of intermarriage and extended family introduced us to this new type of value difference.
Traditionally, marriage to an African meant the preservation of life. Among the Bakiga of Western Uganda, part of the blessing of a marriage ceremony was: Ozaare ozarurukane. This phrase is difficult to translate, but may mean simply: may you produce as many children as possible! One of the reasons that justified poligamy was failure on the part of the wife to bear children. Whenever a man failed, his brothers would assist, but the children would be his. This conception of marriage still exists and because of this Africans find it a real problem to allow their sons and daughters to become celibate priests and nuns.
A man is supposed to produce children not only for the sustenance of life, but to keep his lineage strong, and also to survive the grave through the sons left behind. One who produces only daughters is better only than one who produces nothing. While daughters are supposed to go to other families, it is the sons who are supposed to keep their fathers' families alive. Those who fail to achieve this die encwekye, or literally, "broken off." Hence, producing only daughters also traditionally led to polygamy. The presence of children at home was always a pleasure. The parents and grandparents would have someone to send here and there for water, firewood, fire, among other things.
But what has the city done? Many have turned into Europeans due to city life. They have only one or two children. Some even prefer cats and dogs to children. While they see nothing wrong and actually enjoy themselves, their parents at home are saddened. Even those who have many children are not of much greater use to their parents. It is very difficult for a modern parent to send a few of his children to their grandparents to look after cows and goats, to fetch water and firewood for them. So the poor grandparents die as if they had produced no children. The moral aspect is still worse. While traditionally parents knew what to do to control their children, today they do not even know where they sleep. Partly because of this, in certain areas some parents are against their daughters going to far-off schools.
The city has threatened the traditional social control in Africa. Traditionally, the people knew who was who. This was vital for married life which, in turn, is vital for life itself. According to the Bakiga, Oshwera abuuza, i.e., it is very important to marry someone you understand. Traditionally, this understanding was made possible by relatives and friends who would recommend which girl your son should marry. The girls were always aware that eyes were on them from all corners and through secret chinks. This made them behave themselves wherever they went and in whatever they did. Today the city is the safest place for sinners. A girl may become pregnant, run to the city, abort and return to tell people she had gone to visit her aunt.
The city is the hiding place for all sorts. One who cuts people's throats at night, during the day is greeted with "Sir." A child who is out of control at home may run to the city where there they can always find something befitting their character to do. The worst danger from the city is its ability to keep secrets so that there exist all sorts of impenetrable networks beyond the control of anyone, including the government.
Due to this private and secretive life, society has come to be threatened by innumerable problems, including foreign diseases like VD and AIDS, among other catastrophic harbingers. Cities in Africa are swelling with people, but many are afraid of them. Surprisingly, those who fear them include not only rural dwellers; many city dwellers spend sleepless nights in beautiful surroundings.
Why is the city so strange to African people? This leads us to the question of origin. As we already have seen, the modern city was introduced into Africa by the West. So, urbanization, modernization and westernization in a sense mean the same. In Africa many systems were introduced and maintained by Europeans. At the time of independence these were inherited by Africans, some of whom had not been prepared at all for such duties. The city is one of these systems. It is not surprising that it is strange to many Africans. It seems that, as some Europeans did not expect to leave, they built the cities for themselves, and never explained much about them to the Africans. Perhaps we shall get a better picture of this when we see the city in its general historical perspective in the next part. However, it is also important to realize that while the rest of the world became urbanized through industrialization, Africa remained rural as it was used for the raw materials for the European industries. People would go to work in plantations or mines and then return to their homes in rural areas. Those who worked in urban areas were the educated class, who, as we have seen, also were strongly attached to rural areas. So the city remained distanced from the African population.
THE HISTORICAL EXPLANATION
OF THE AFRICAN PREDICAMENT
When the African nations were destroyed and rearranged into new territorial groupings, much planning on the side of the Europeans had to be done to keep the situation under control. First of all, participation had to be achieved. For this reason, the British, for example, recruited Indians and then Africans into the army to be able to suppress any uprising or resistance. The following contradicts the popular belief that the Indians in Africa were mere laborers, particularly to help build the Uganda railroad.
It is rather humiliating to think that a tribe of natives with scarcely, if any, a gun amongst them, and using for the most part bows and arrows, can defy and has defied, ever since May all the well-armed Indians commanded by a colonel of the Nubis and all native troops and maxim guns sent against them.1
Secondly, it was considered necessary to turn the people against their own culture before another could effectively be introduced. To achieve this, the colonialists needed the assistance of the missionaries. As the missionaries never participated in fighting or harassing the people in any way they were more trusted by the people. They made an effort to learn the peoples' languages. One of them, after learning Kikamba had the following to say.
Their language is wonderfully expressive. . . . It gives one much food for thought to find a language so philosophic in its structure on the lips of naked savages, and we come to the conclusion that Kikamba must have come to them at babel or elsewhere, from the hand of the Eternal Omniscient.2
More signs which can give some inkling about the order that was destroyed by the Europeans in Africa will be dealt with when we turn to the African reaction to colonialism and imperialism.
Despite the clear evidence available, those acquainted with European conversation or even literature about Africa come across bizarre stories, for example, that the Africans have a simple primitive language consisting only of a jargon of somewhat inarticulate sounds, or of only a few words which are followed by much gesticulation. Dr. Kihumbu Thairu reports that in the late 1950s his European teacher told his class that there was still a tribe in the Congo--present-day Zaire--which could hardly communicate in the dark because the word for "come" was "U," and the word for "go" was also "U," the two words only being distinguished by hand movements. With such mentality, it is quite possible that another teacher in the Congo taught that there was a tribe in Kenya which could hardly communicate in the dark. . . . There are too many malicious stories about Africa; the reasons behind them are so obvious as to be transparent!
Hardly any African who stayed long at school during colonial days will not tell you a story about language. One was caned for uttering a single word in one's mother tongue. Many European languages, including Latin, were learned but never spoken, yet there are many things which can be expressed only in one's own language. Different schools had different methods of punishing those who spoke the "vernacular," "primitive," or "dirty" language. Some had placards reading "I am a fool"; others were made to kneel on bare knees on hard ground with their arms stretched sideways for a long time.
Immediately after the African countries became independent, a Ministry of Culture was established to cater to the sadly downtrodden African cultures and values. In the case of language, probably the best example is that of the former President of Tanzania, Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere, who not only made Kiswahili the national language, but made it also the general language for communication, including teaching. He personally translated important books, including the works of Shakespeare, into Kiswahili. Scientific terms were also translated. Other countries like Kenya also developed Kiswahili and put it on an equal footing with English. For example, one needs to pass tests in both to be able to contest a parliamentary seat. While in Uganda only English has been spoken in parliament, recent developments show that one is free to express his views in his mother tongue as long as one arranges in advance for the translation of his address. In Uganda more than twenty languages are spoken.
The language example has been dwelt upon in a representative capacity. What happened to language also happened to the other aspects of culture and to the whole value system. This has taken place in three stages. In the first stage culture and values were freely developed. In the second stage there were deliberate attempts to destroy the African culture and to condition Africans to Western culture: during this stage culture meant only Western culture. When someone was described as "uncultured," this meant someone was not "westernized." In the third stage efforts have been made to liberate African culture. Besides the Ministry of Culture, many individuals seem to have reacted bitterly against the way the Europeans looked down upon their culture and values. It is probably in reaction to this mistreatment that a man like the late President Jomo Kenyatta, who had studied in England and even married an English woman, later decided against speaking English. It is also possible that President Mobuto Sese Seko Kuku Ngbendu wa Zabanga banned all foreign names in Zaire and reinstated African ones for similar reasons.
While all this mistreatment was going on, the city served as the residence of the oppressor. In many countries there were both the colonial and the local governments. The posts from that of Governor to that of District Commissioner were manned by Europeans; local governments were under District Commissions. At District Centers there were two types of residences: those for the Europeans and those for the Africans whose houses were often mere single rooms.
Those who dared go into urban areas did so to buy things from the Asian shops and then returned home. Generally, urban centers were symbols of oppression; it is not surprising, therefore, that many people tended to avoid them. The present feeling of uneasiness in the city could be explained as the oppression-hang-over. In many countries, rulers who replaced the colonialists tended to behave like their former masters. The soldiers are those who served the colonialists and continue still to mistreat the people the way they were trained. Some of these soldiers who have taken over power are even more brutal than their colonial masters. In the case of Uganda, many people had to escape from urban areas and hide in rural areas till only recently. So, while many cities in Africa were expanding, Kampala and other cities in Uganda have been dwindling.
The nature of insecurity and its magnitude, among other aspects, vary from city to city and from country to country. In South Africa the apartheid policy has created special problems for the Africans who are discriminated against in their own home. In many other countries political upheavals have turned the cities into monsters from which even presidents flee. Yet in many others peaceful co-existence has led to the swelling of the numbers of city dwellers to such a degree that people worry about the population explosion. The city of Nairobi may serve as an example. Unfortunately, planners have not been able to cope properly with the swelling numbers. Consequently, 60% of the city is slums, and whenever there are heavy rains people drown in their vehicles due to the lack of a proper drainage system.
However, the African seems gradually to be catching up with the realities of the city. We have already noted that the modern city is as strange in Africa as it is in Europe. It was planned by Europeans, built by Europeans, and even maintained by Europeans. With the departure of the Europeans the cities remain behind and their maintenance is a problem. For repairs there lack not only expertise and spare parts but, more importantly, the willpower and responsibility. When things are always done for someone they will not know where to begin when the organizer departs.
The following observations may illustrate the changing spirit in Africa. In 1971, Idi Amin toppled the Obote government in Uganda; in 1972 he sent away the Asians who had been controlling trade and commerce in the country. Asians' shops were re-allocated mainly to Nubis who only sold off what they found there and did not know where to get new goods. Consequently, Uganda fell short of commodities. In 1979 when Amin was toppled, the subsequent looting destroyed shops and houses. For a long time cities like Kampala looked like ghost towns as nobody cared to repair anything. In 1985 Obote was toppled for the second time, and again looting followed. At this juncture, however, one noticed a change. Within one week, the people themselves had repaired all the broken shops and houses. The "they" concept, which had crippled the Africans ever since the Europeans entered Africa, was at long last being overcome. Unfortunately, the Ugandans have learned the hard way. Elsewhere, it is still the foreigners who do everything for the Africans in terms of technology, etc. Thus, there are many things which have never been repaired since the colonial masters left certain countries in Africa.
THE AFRICAN REACTION TO THE EUROPEAN INVASION
Despite the malicious propaganda about Africa, it is a fact that before the European interference, the African nations were very well organized, and even powerful enough to challenge the heavily armed Europeans with their Indian and Nubian soldiers. Commenting on the Ugandan situation recently, Prof. Jean-Francois Medard recognized the following fact:
At the time of colonization, the Baganda Kingdom was a true state fully set up with an administration, an army, a navy and a road network. . . . The British colonizers therefore relied on the Baganda Kingdom and on their aristocracy to establish their domination.3
Yet this was only one among other well organized kingdoms in Uganda alone. Even the tribal populations which had no kings were well organized. One could talk of the existence of both representative and popular democracies here before the confusion created by Europeans. Tribes were connected through marriages, among other relations.
The resistance met by the Europeans in Africa is another indicator of independence and sophistication. They will never forget the wars they lost in trying to subdue the Africans. It was mainly because of this sophistication that the Europeans later tried to ban everything traditional, including the making of arms and other war objects. Unfortunately, when they had succeeded in crippling the African, they turned around and maliciously asked: "Where is your technology? You are the stupid son of Ham good only for manual work"! Deep inside, however, they bitterly remembered great kings and warriors like Kabalega. The following is a mere example of defeats the Europeans suffered in Africa.
The manner in which Ketshwayo has been received by the British public would be amusing if it were not disgusting. This gormandizing black savage, who cost us many of the flowers of youth, thousands of lives, and millions of money, has scarcely landed, before a young lady presents him with a valuable locket and all Southampton is waiting to clasp his enormous paws. The airs the fellow gives himself are tremendous. He would not receive the Governor of Madeira, but sent word that `the King sleeps,' and on waking the first morning at Melbury Road, he expressed a wish that the people should be thanked for the way in which they had cheered him. This really only wants the insertion of `was graciously pleased to express' to read like a bit of our own Court Circular.4
There are many examples of this nature, but when the Europeans introduced their educational system in Africa, they made sure nothing was taught to recall the part of Africa. Some people have gone so far as to claim that African history began with the coming of the Europeans. This deliberate distortion of the African reality has annoyed modern Africans so much that many little trust Europeans. Many who thought they were good historians feel ashamed of themselves when accidentally they come across great names like Ketshway about whom they know nothing, though they can tell you everything about Livingstone!
In African history, we have tended to distinguish between the following types of foreigners: The Colonialist (the bad European), the missionary (the good European), the farmer (the settler), and the Indian (the business man who came as a work-man to build the railroad). After independence, the Indians stayed behind along with the missionaries. Some farmers also remained behind and, surprisingly, some of the colonialists who even physically had fought the Africans stayed behind to become Reverends.
Today, the mistrust of all Europeans and Asians is deepening. We have seen the involvement in fighting by the Indians. Many Africans also were shocked when they discovered the role of missionaries in colonialism and the contributions they made even in transporting European settlers to Africa. For example, Rev. Dr. R.T. Campbell in his book, The Life of Livingstone, reveals the following: "In December, 1850, pressing his kindred to emigrate he says he believes the cause of Christianity will be better advanced by emigration than by missionaries."
Livingstone himself in the first chapter of his book, Missionary Travels, pledges two thousand pounds, out of the profits of the book sales, "towards the cost of equipping and sending out selected British families to colonize the shores of Lake Nyasa (parts of present-day Malawi, Mozambique, Tanzania, and Zambia) if the (British) government would support the proposal."5
The African mind today seems to be at a loss. It is clear that the Europeans hid much truth about Africa from the new generations under their control. Now the African wonders: if he was not told the truth about historical facts, was he told the truth about values and culture? While the colonialist seized the land, harassed the Africans and was hated for this, the missionary promoted an education which eroded African culture and values. The co-operation between the two is brought out by the following:
We as missionaries are indebted to the presence of the (colonial) government in this country (Uganda). And we would not forget, when we reckon up the triumphs of the cross in Uganda in how large a measure these victories have been owed, under God, to the fact that the way has been paved for us by others, and that an immense amount has been done for us which we could never have done for ourselves and which has rendered the progress of missionary work incomparably easier than it otherwise would have been. To the presence of a strong government and a settled government (i.e., with its officers around the missionaries) we owe a peaceful country. . . .6
The missionaries vital role in colonization was, in turn, recognized by Colonel Sadler, a Commissioner of the Colonial Government in Uganda in the following words:
The C.M.S. (Church Missionary Society of the Church of England) was the first in the field: its connection with political history in the early days, the difficulties it successfully suppressed, and the assistance its members (i.e., missionaries) rendered the Colonial Government at the time of the (African nationalistic) rebellion are too well known to need recapitulation. . . . There has been complete accord between the (colonial) government and the three (Christian) denominations (the White Fathers, French Catholics; The Mill Hill Mission, British Catholics; and CMS, English Protestants) and in no single instance has there been friction of any kind. Besides recording my appreciation of the excellent work these societies have done during the years in the cause of education and in the progress of civilization, I would wish to thank them for the assistance they have given the (colonial) government in the matter of Hut Tax and to myself personally in willingly placing at my disposal the fund of information they (the missionaries) have given regarding the country and its people.7
Colonel Sadler's claim about the relationship between the government and all the three denominations is not quite true. The British government certainly discriminated against Catholics, and this brought about subsequent political upheavals, particularly in Uganda. Today we still have problems arising out of this discrimination.
While so many questions are being asked by some Africans regarding their traditional culture and values, there are many who feel quite at home with the new western culture and system of values. Those who are asking questions have different points of view. Some are of the view that Africans should go back to their roots and reject the European culture and value system. An example of these is the late Prof. Okot p'Betek from Uganda who has written much particularly on Africa, mainly as a poet. His famous poem: Song of Lawino, criticizes the modern "educated" African about the religion and politics he practices, about keeping time, going to school, reading books, dancing, kissing, using cosmetics, and even using the toilet.
Commenting on the above criticisms, one of the greatest academics in Africa, Prof. Austin Lwanga Bukenya, observes:
Far from being banal, this extremely down-to-earth approach makes the poem go straight down to the depths of our feelings. We are forced to ask ourselves the fundamental question: what sort of people are we as individuals and as a society?8
This question can be answered in hundreds of ways, and there is quite a variety of positions in Africa. There are those who, being totally conditioned, see African values and culture as evil and even the color of the skin as devilish, and have become split personalities due to this conditioning. They want to be something else: what the Europeans have told them is the ideal, but, unfortunately there are certain realities they cannot change. So, the poor souls are caught between their unattainable dreams and the rejected realities which are part of them. It is a special pity when one is convinced to hate oneself for one cannot possibly run away from oneself!
Still others are confused. They are committed to neither side, and are being swayed from side-to-side like reeds in the wind. They have no sense of direction and are therefore a concoction of everything that has come their way. They do whatever they have seen others do without any personal initiative to select what is right from what is wrong. Luckily, there are also those who are thinking hard, asking themselves the deep question: what am I? Why? What can I do about it? The list is long.
As for society, we can easily establish a similar pattern along the lines of the individuals analyzed above. Many societies have little sense of direction, despite the presence of governments. Corruption in Africa is very high, and many people enter government offices, not to serve, but to "eat." A government may be compared to the mind of an individual as an engine is to a vehicle. To have good societies in Africa we must have good governments first. There are strong views that foreigners who want to keep on exploiting Africa see to it that weak governments are installed and kept in power by any necessary means.
Another example is that of Dr. Kihumbu Thairu, whose book, The African Civilization, has been quoted above. After analyzing the pathetic situation in Africa, he asks the following questions: "How has this deplorable situation come about? Who is meant to benefit from it? How can it be changed?"9
Again, these are deep questions and the answers to them are many as he himself confesses: "Full answer to all these questions would fill several volumes." But he adds:
In the heart of every African, however Westernized or Easternized, she or he may be, there is a small African fire which, when fully ablaze, will release the dignified complete person that the unadulterated African is. This book is but a small drop of fuel to make the flame in every African burn a little brighter. At least it is hoped that the African reader will, on reading this little book start (if he has not already started) asking himself who he really is--instead of accepting slavishly what the non-African has said the African is.10
While those who have been conditioned would describe Okot and Thairu as radicals, there is a third group that gives the two sides both credit and discredit. Judging neither of the two sides to be totally right or totally wrong, they see something to choose and discard from either side. Prof. Chinua Achebe, one of the best writers in the world, seems to belong to this category and Prof. Kwasi Wiredu, one of the best philosophers, is also against an African over-reaction which tends to accept values and cultural practice on the basis of being African, and rejects the rest on the basis of being foreign, e.g., European. Both academics recommend selecting values and cultural practices from both sides basing ourselves on the worth of what we select. This category seems the ideal situation.
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CITY IN AFRICA TODAY
The modern city in Africa is of great significance, despite the problems related to it. It is a reality to cope with, however foreign we consider it to be. Since I have discussed the negative side and its problems, now I would like to turn to the other side.
First of all, the city is the unitive factor in African social and political life. We have already seen how city dwellers have strong roots with rural areas. But the reality of the city as a dwelling place has contributed to bringing the various peoples together. Rationalistic movements and wars, among other activities, have brought certain cities close to unity. Common language, e.g., English and Kiswahili, and the nature of work in which various groups emerge jointly have also fostered unity. Today it is possible to talk of sub-cultures vis-a-vis cultures due to common platforms like the city. While cultures may be characterized by the same outlook on life, the same language, the same practices, among others, sub-cultures may be characterized by exactly the same ingredients. While culturally I belong to Bakiga people, sub-culturally I belong to the university community, and particularly to philosophical thought and activity. My outlook on life, my philosophical language, my practices as a philosophy teacher: reading philosophy and attending international conferences and seminars, are shared not only by my colleagues at my current university, but by many philosophers all over the world. It is possible that one may feel closer to one's colleagues or to a thinker one admires in one's field of study than to his mother. While one finds one reading and thinking about this thinker almost every day, one may meet one's mother and speak one's mother-tongue once in a number of years. The city, therefore, through such multidimensional facets as educating, is undoubtedly a great unitive factor, not only nationally but also internationally.
The colonialists used the city as the center of administration. At independence, various nation-states have taken over the same center for organizational purposes through various ministries. Social services also have been organized in the cities before moving to the people in rural areas. Therefore, the city in Africa is the nerve center of the whole network in the country.
Internationally, the city serves as the means of unity. Due to limited resources and technology in Africa, the TV networks that unite huge countries like the USA are absent. In many African countries TV's are available only in cities. As it unites the city people with the rest of the world, it also trickles down to the rest of Africa through other types of mass media.
In a nutshell, the learning obtained from the universities and other advanced institutes in cities, the facilities for information and other services obtainable only in cities, the central government and other means of organization that exist only in the city, the religious institutions centered in the city, among others, are eventually of great service to the people in rural areas despite their distance in terms of space.
WHAT CAN PHILOSOPHY DO FOR AFRICA?
In the introductory part, I stated my assumption of what man is, and pointed out that this nature of man makes it possible for him to reflect upon and critically assess things. Such a mental activity is philosophical in nature. Hence, basically what philosophy can do for Africans as regards the problems raised in this paper is to help them understand basic issues and resolve their differences, among other problems, through vigorous thinking or reflection. We need such vigorous thinking to be able to get to the root causes of our problems.
I already have pointed out, also, that philosophy belongs to us in our capacity as human beings. We do not need to learn philosophy at school to be able to ask philosophical questions. This may be illustrated by the fundamental questions we have already examined, i.e., those posed by Prof. Bukenya, and Dr. Thairu. These certainly are philosophical questions, but I know very well that the two gentlemen would shy away were they to be called philosophers. Prof. Bukenya is by profession a professor of literature, while Dr. Thairu is a medical doctor.
When it comes to professional philosophers, my contention is that while philosophy may be a personal affair, in the sense that philosophical issues are internalized and visualized at an individual level, the philosophers' activities are not limited to themselves. Their writings are read in all directions and at various levels of understanding. Their addresses influence people in a similar manner. Consequently, the picture I painted of the city being isolated from the rural area mainly in terms of space may apply also to the philosopher. Simply develop correct ideas and, like the biblical story of the sower, go out and sow them!
People's minds have been influenced from pulpits, political rallies, classrooms, and other places where men and women of ideas have spoken. Those who have opened their ears accordingly have made various resolutions. In this paper we have talked much about "conditioning." We have also seen the role of the gun in paving the way for Christianity in Africa. As a matter of fact, taking the time factor into account, when we compare the spread of Christianity into Europe before it became "Christendom," with that into Asia, America, and Africa, Africa seems to lead statistically. According to me, it would be unfair not to attend to African intellectual activity during the transitional period. True, fighting took place and conditioning was rampant, but the African mind was also at work comparing and contrasting the various values.
It is this type of evaluation that I would like to see continue, but now free from the gun and conditioning. This way, the Africans will be able objectively to examine their traditional values vis-a-vis those that are European and something new and better will result.
I have already discussed how I think traditionally people acquired values. What strikes me is that when one does not quite understand how and why one acquired a certain value, one tends to be tied to it even to the extent of physical combat for it. Philosophy can help one take a stance before their values and those of others, so that when one says yes or no to one or the other, one does so based on rational grounds.
Today we distinguish between the modern and the traditional methods of education. The basic distinction seems to be that the traditional system of education was concerned mainly with producing people patterned upon traditional culture and values. Thus, the truths to be taught and the teacher to teach these truths were the most important. The student had only to learn, or rather conform. Hence, methods which made the student internalize the truths, such as rote learning, were stressed. The various ethnic groups in Africa learned various value systems through this traditional system of education. Yet those who brought new values to Africa also conditioned the people.
The modern system of education values philosophy. As philosophy is an individual affair, this system is more for the individual than for the society. Consequently, instead of giving the truths and the teacher prominence, this method stresses the learner. Instead of rote learning, the modern system cherishes creativity, dialogue and discovery. When eventually the learner discovers and internalizes the truths, the same learner will be in position to take a stance to these truths and elaborate them, showing what makes them more or less valuable.
If such an approach could be applied to the cultural and value systems in relation to which many of us are biased, we could go a long way in bridging the gaps between us, whether in our cities or in our rural areas. As I have already mentioned, such awareness is possible at an individual level, or at least at the level of the leadership that will slowly influence the individuals in society.
However, I must admit that it is one thing to know the truth and quite another to follow it. So, philosophy is not enough. Many know the truth that man's life is more valuable than material things. They can even write good books about this. But, in practice, they will destroy people in order simply to loot the land and its minerals, among other worldly gains! So, we need both philosophy and committed leadership.
CONCLUSION
While it is clear that the city is double-edged, we may not sit back and lament among ourselves the problems we have harvested from the city. We must think hard in order to get to the roots of these problems, and then devise ways and means of resolving them. Nor should we fix our attention only upon the problems and be shaken by them to the extent of developing city-phobia. We must look at the other side of the coin and appreciate what we have reaped from the existence of the city amidst us. Certainly, life would not be the same without the city. We must, therefore, make this reality our own, instead of regarding it as foreign. We should agree that whatever is foreign and good is good, and whatever is traditional and bad is bad, and vice-versa.
We should be open-minded, reflect on our cultural values, accept what is acceptable, and reject what must be rejected. If we can replace bias by critical thinking, at least we can establish the hierarchy of values by which we can tell which is more of a value and which is less, thereby becoming able to be conscientious objectors. Although knowing the truth will not necessarily make us follow it, at least it will make us feel guilty when we do not. Above all, we must search for correct leadership, a very rare commodity in Africa and, perhaps, in the world.
By stressing correct leadership, I am not suggesting a one way flow of ideas. This should be clear since I recommend the role of philosophy and indicate that this is an individual affair. Individuals must listen to one another and then to leadership, just as leadership must listen to individuals. I stress correct leadership because it is a necessary condition for healthy social interaction.
Kenyatta University
Nairobi, Kenya
1. Colonel Sadler, Mengo Notes. Vol. 1, No. 8, 1900.
2. Rachael Stuart Watt, In the Heart of Savagedom (Glasgow: Pickering and Inglis, 1922).
3. Jean Francois Medard, The Creation of a Political Order in Uganda (Nairobi: Center for Research and University Exchanges, 1986), Working Paper No. 1.
4. Francis Ellen Colenso, Ruin of Zululand, Vol II (London: William Ridgeway, 1885).
5. David Livingstone, Missionary Travels, Ch. 1.
6. Rev. J.J. Willis, Mengo Notes, Vol. 5 (No. 4, 1904).
7. Colonel Sadler, op. cit.
8. Lwanga Austin Bukenya, Notes on East African Poetry (Nairobi: Heinemann, 1978).
9. Kihumbu Thairu, The African Civilization, Utamaduni Wa Kiafrica (Nairobi: Kenya Literature Bureau, 1985).
10. Ibid.
Achebe, Chinua. Things Fall Apart. 1958; reprinted., Nairobi: Heinemann, 1981.
Bukenya, Austin Lwanga. Notes on East African Poetry. Nairobi: Heinemann, 1978.
Burton, Richard Francis. Lake Regions of Central Africa. New York: Horizon Press, 1961.
Medard, Jean-Francois. The Creation of A Political Order in Uganda. Nairobi: Center for Research and University Exchanges, 1986, Working Paper No. 1.
Melland, F.H. and Cholmeby, E.H. Through the Heart of Africa. London: Constable, 1912.
Okot p`Bitek. Song of Lawino. Nairobi: Heinemann, 1966.
Rodney, Walter. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. Dar-es-salaam: Tanzania Publishing House, 1972.
Ruch, E.A. and Anyanwu, K.C., African Philosophy. Rome: Catholic Book Agency, 1984.
Russell, A.G. Colour, Race and Empire. London: Victor Gollance, 1944.
Sadler, Colonel. Mengo Notes, 1, No. 8, 1900.
Thairu, Kihumbu. The African Civilization, Utamaduni wa Kiafrika. Nairobi: Kenya Literature Bureau, 1985.
Waliggo, J.M., Roest, A.C., Nkeramihigo, T., Mutiso-Mbinda, I. Inculturation: Its Meaning and Urgency. Kampala: St. Paul Publications, 1986.
Watt, Rachel Stuart. In the Heart of Savagedom. Glasgow: Pickering and Inglis, 1922.
Willis, J.J. Mengo Notes, 5 (No. 4, 1904).
Wiredu, Kwasi. Philosophy and an African Culture. Cambridge:
Cambridge Univ. Press, 1980.