CHAPTER I

 

CONTEMPORARY CULTURE AND

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

 

ZHU MAJIE

 

As the new millennium approaches, humankind confronts two great trends: the multi-polarization of the world configuration and the globalization of the world economy. Massive flows of materials, information, capital and ideas are involved in these two trends. This is a strong shock to the old international order; consequently, relations among states and groups of states are being correspondingly readjusted. Changes in trends and public morals are influenced by various factors, among which culture becomes increasingly prominent. In the evolution of the global interaction of cultures new international relations must duly be born. Precisely against this grand background, the present article attempts to analyze contemporary cultures and their impacts on international relations and strategies.

 

THE NATURE OF CULTURE

 

The Meaning of Culture. Different scholars see different connotations for culture. Some statisticians claim at least 160. The British anthropologist Tyler wrote that culture is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, law, moral, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society. American anthropologist Clyde Kluckhohn stated that, culture is a history-created system of survival types, dominant or recessive, having tendencies shared by the whole group or by some particular part in a certain period of time. A German anthropologist observed that culture is a form of life; its pillar is the power of thought; its scope includes rational knowledge; its main content is the form of what used to be the existence, the compulsory knowledge or insight, the conception of objects and the command of language. Other scholars saw the fundamental attribute of culture as human creativity: creation by men and all that men have created, be it material and its products, or spirit and its products. In other words, all activities that men have been engaged in can be referred to as culture.1 All in all, in its broad sense, culture refers to the sum of the material and spiritual wealth that has been created in the historical practice of human society. In its narrow sense, culture is the social ideology and its corresponding systems and organizations, including viewpoints and ideas of politics, law, ethics, arts, religions, science and compatible systems. In no dimension should culture be perceived as static; culture is a dynamic process.

 

Culture and Civilization. Quite a few people identify civilization with culture. But more agree that the latter comprises the former. Civilization re-creates culture on certain conditions; it is the product of culture developed to a higher level. Civilization is relatively stable, but will not remain on an existing level. The use of language is an embodiment of culture, but the invention of writings shows that culture develops in a new era of civilization. The wide use of modern information technology implements human social life in a new way. The application of the electronic media and the internet makes it possible for material and spiritual products to move globally in tremendous quantity and at an extraordinary pace; this has become the latest hallmark of human civilization.

As the new century proceeds, the culture of the information revolution and the internet will exert invaluable impacts on human life and behavior. They know no geographic or national confines; they cross national borders and obviate the barriers of the time and space; and they affect the process of modern society with these characteristics. Obviously, the impacts of modern culture on international relations and international strategy are increasingly evident and strong.

 

The Diversity of Modern Culture.  Our global village has a population of 6 billion, constituting over 2500 nations or about 200 countries with diversified and variegated cultures throughout the long process of human history. Each culture is justifiable -- otherwise it would not exist, grow and develop -- albeit each differs in its traditions and characters. That is why our world is so profuse and full of life. Some areas are birthplaces of human civilizations; these include the Yellow River valley in China, the Ganges valley in India, the Nile valley in Egypt, regions along the Aegean Sea in Europe, and Mesopotamia in West Asia. Peoples on those lands, generation after generation, by hard work have created affluent and exuberant cultures, moving from one apex of civilization to another: writing, architecture, painting, religions, lifestyles, political systems and so on. Samuel Huntington, a Harvard professor, identified eight civilizations from among all the cultures in the modern world, i.e., Western, Confucian, Japanese, Islamic, Hindu, Slavic-Orthodox, Latin American and African.2 Although it is arguable whether his method is scientific, at least it demonstrates that even Huntington has to admit the variety of modern culture. All civilizations are a fountain of colorful waters gushing up in the long process of the history of human culture.

Only by situating ourselves in this long process, can we examine and explore the relations between culture and changes in international strategy. Cultural diversity is linked inevitably with the multi-polarization trend of the world configuration. Western civilization has developed and risen continuously in the long evolutionary history of Western culture. Modern Western civilization is one of its apexes; contemporary Western civilization is another. The contribution of Western countries to the family of nations is characterized by their developed economy, advanced science and technology and unique political system. Non-Western countries, in their process of modernization, absorb the essence of the Western civilization, but do not dogmatically copy it. Japan, Singapore and South Korea are the best examples. In their process of modernization, they have rejuvenated their traditional cultures, while drawing upon Western civilization. EU members, even with the single currency they have presently realized, have not surrendered their own cultural characters. Civilizations inevitably influence and learn from one another. They do so even more with access to the means of modern communication. Thus, contemporary cultural diversity, which stems from history as well as from reality, is an objective being independent of human will.

 

The Core of Culture Is Its Value Orientation. In considering the diversity of contemporary culture, the key to be kept in mind is that the core of any culture whatsoever is its values: different cultures have different values. The ethno-centrists deem their national culture to be supreme and hence their values as its most outstanding manifestation. This is “West-centrism”: Western countries extol their cultures as supreme in the modern era. They assume that as values of freedom and democracy are universally viable and promote the values of Western culture across the world via advanced technology and its powerful cultural carriers. Huntington holds that the Western civilization is valuable not in its universality, but in its uniqueness, it is not advisable to impose the values of the Western civilization on the non-Western societies. Many people in Asia, Africa, Latin America and Europe agree that world cultures coexist in relative terms. Each culture is different from the other; each has its own advantage and criteria of values. This is the basic point of the trans-cultural relativism. Trans-cultural relativists not only recognize the diversity of world cultures, but also deem the values orientation as the core of all cultures. There are many theories on culture, but whether ethnocentrism, trans-cultural relativism, universal cultural values, or cultural internationalism all have something to do with values which is the core issue of culture.

 

MODELS BY WHICH CULTURE INFLUENCES INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

 

The influence of the cultural factor in contemporary international relations has caught the attention of quite a few scholars. Lawrence Harrison published his book entitled Who Prospers? How Cultural Values Shape Economic and Political Success? in 1992; Samuel Huntington published his article, entitled “The Clash of Civilizations?,” in 1993; Thomas Sowell published his book, Race and Culture: A World View in 1994;  Francis Fukuyama published his book Trust: The Social Virtue and the Creation of Prosperity in 1995. Works like these have illuminated the impact of culture on international relations. This can be summed up in five models3 which are interconnected in some areas and distinct only according to their particular emphasis.

 

1. Culture has broad determinant impact on the achievements of the state. Culture plays an important role in providing the spiritual, ethical and economic conditions for human life. In modern capitalist development, nothing can be achieved without attention to the cultural factor. Lawrence Harrison wrote in the above-mentioned book that cultural values and ideas induce in different ethnic groups such phenomena as persistent volatility and injustice in Latin America, the economic miracle of South Korea and China’s Taiwan, and the achievements of Japan. Thomas Sowell stated in his book, Race and Culture: A World View, that race, tribe and cultural differentials have significant impacts on our time, for particular people usually handle the economic and social demands in their life in their own particular way. This basic linkage between national culture and national achievements indicates the importance of culture to the achievements of the state. It plays an important role in determining the economic destiny of the state and nation, and thus impacts on their status and role in international relations. 

            2. Culture is the navigator in making decision. Some people see culture as analogous to a filter of knowledge. Leaders approach problems and make decisions through different cultural prisms. Thus, culture plays an important role in leaders’ judgement of, and decision-making in, international relations. Specific states, peoples and their leaders are influenced by their distinctive cultures, which reflect their different values, interests, habits and wishes. Mis-assessment of those differentials will lead to misconception, misunderstanding and mis-judgement. No doubt, the cultural systems link closely with international relations. Alastair I. Johnston indicated in 1995 that different states have different strategic emphases, which originate from their early or established experience. They are affected by the philosophy, politics, culture and cognitive identity of the states and to some extent of their elites. International relations are like a massive ocean, nations are like sailing vessels, while culture plays the role of a navigator. Cultural concepts strongly affect the viewpoints of state leaders on policy issues. An individual leader or a leading collective takes its cultural concepts consciously or unconsciously as the coordinate in decisions. Therefore, culture has decisive impacts on leaders in addressing various issues of international relations.

3. Culture is the designer of social and economic structures. Francis Fukuyama stresses the sociality of culture, or social credit, in his book “Trust”. He assumes that the welfare and competitiveness of a state are constrained by a universal cultural identity, which symbolizes the working of social credit and provides a precondition for economic success. Nations are different in their social credit, which inevitably will affect their international cooperation. Therefore, culture controls the degree of the social credit and affects the nature of the cooperative organs. It provides the dominant blueprint for social and economic institutions, and hence exerts tremendous impact on national behavior and its fate in the international community.

4. Culture is an important variable in international relations. This point was fully elucidated by Samuel Huntington in his article The Clash of Civilizations? He judged that the fundamental source of conflict in the post-Cold War world would not be ideological or primarily economic. The great divisions among humankind and the dominant source of conflict will be cultural. The principal conflicts of global politics will occur between nations and groups of different civilizations. The clash of civilizations will be the battle lines of the future. He even asserted that the next world war, if there is one, will be between civilizations. This theory perceives culture as the dominant framework of international relations, the primary base of the national behavior, and the main source of international conflicts.  Most scholars do not agree with the theory of clash of civilizations, but they do agree that culture is an important variable in the contemporary international relations.

5. The commonality and complementarity of cultures provide a crucial base for harmony in international relations. Culture can also be referred to as the booster of international relations.  Arnold Toynbee claimed as early as 1934 that there is a strong, concerted and harmonious tendency in the rise and fall of civilizations. In 1948, he stressed further the character of culture and the conformity of different civilizations in social structure; this reached its peak in the era of industrialization. In 1946, Northrop assumed in his book, The Encounter of the East and West, that the East and West can meet not only because they are talking about the same thing, but also because they are explaining different but complementary things. Ernest Gellner highlighted some of characteristics of the industrialized society in 1983. The consequence of industrialization is a global compound of basically harmonious industrial cultures. This is the theory of the cultural melting pot. One of its important points relates to the framework of eras. Though social structures vary widely the basic character of all advanced economies are relatively uniform. They have identical institutions, such as a central bank, a department of treasury, various research centers, schools of different educational levels, organized systems such as the military and thousands of other corresponding institutions. The application of information technology and its impacts on social development has proven this. The uniformity and complementarity of world cultures gives a huge and inescapable boost to international relations.  3

 

THE MAIN FOCI OF THE CURRENT CULTURAL STRUGGLE

 

Since the end of the Cold War, the role of culture in international relations has been growing. Western civilization takes the lead among the variety of world cultures. By using their strengths they pursue “human rights diplomacy” and manipulate international organizations; by using the market economy, the power of commodities and even resorting to military force they achieve their strategic goals. This is manifested mainly in the following aspects.

 

1. Human Rights Diplomacy. Western politicians through balance-and-maneuver are concerned mostly with their own interests. Western civilization is used as an instrument to pursue these interests. Human rights, which are part of Western civilization, are most broadly applicable. Western politicians view human rights diplomacy as their “sophisticated weapon”; they are the most important advantage of liberal democratic nations in the struggle to expand their influence.4 Some Western countries led by the United States have launched attacks time and again at the meetings of the UN Human Rights Commission. Those that have been accused are always developing countries. The attackers are insufferably arrogant, because they think their heavenly mission is to make so-called freedom and social justice popular among the whole of humankind through their demonstration of democratic forms. To them, the Western lifestyle is the beacon to be imitated by other nations, and the Western social system is the role model to be followed by other societies. On human rights, Deng Xiaoping pointed out that, on the pretext that China has an unsatisfactory human rights record and an irrational and illegitimate socialist system, Western countries attempt to jeopardize its national sovereignty. “National sovereignty is far more important than human tights, but they often infringe upon the sovereignty of poor, weak countries of the Third World. Their talk about human rights, freedom and democracy is designed only to safeguard the interests of the strong, rich countries, which take advantage of their strength to bully weak countries, and which pursue hegemony and practice power politics.”5 Obviously, human rights are used to interfere in the sovereignty of others, to violate their sovereignty, and even to subvert the regimes of other nations. This is the essence of the Western human rights diplomacy.

 

2. Reigning International Institutions. Western countries impose their own will on international institutions in an attempt to make them follow the values of Western civilization and serve Western interests. Professor Huntington confessed in his “The Clash of Civilizations?” that the U.S. controls international political and security institutions, using “the world community” to replace “the Free World.” Decisions made at the UN Security Council or the IMF, which reflect the interests of the West, are presented to the world as reflecting the desire of the world community.6 “The West in effect is using international institutions, military power and economic resources to run the world in ways that will maintain Western predominance, protect Western interests and promote Western political and economic values.” Efforts are made “to induce other peoples to adopt Western ideas concerning democracy and human rights”. It is particularly notable that the UN human rights activities often are seriously interfered in by some of the Western countries. They regard their own values and human rights criteria as universal tenets, and do their best to ensure that the UN plays its role in a way that conforms to their national interests. More often than not, UN humanitarian interventions are but a pretext used by some Western countries to pursue power politics, to interfere in the internal affairs of other nations, and to violate their sovereignty. The handling of the Somali issue is a most revealing case in point.

 

3. New Interventionism Implemented via Military Means. The U.S.-led NATO outrageously launched a brutal bombardment on the sovereign state of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia for as long as 78 days from March through June, 1999. During that period, NATO used missiles to attack the Chinese Embassy in Yugoslavia, openly violating the principles of international law and the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. The atrocity inflicted by the U.S.-led NATO on Yugoslavia is a typical example of hegemonism and power politics under the cloak of civilization; it demonstrates how the U.S. carries out its new international relations concept of “humanitarian intervention”. The basic theory of the new interventionism has three aspects: firstly, the superiority of human rights over sovereignty; secondly, that the whole world should be “democratized”; thirdly, that the democratization is not to be confined by national borders. Thus, the West can implement so-called humanitarian intervention in any country once identified according to the West’s own interpretation as a human rights violator. NATO used the most advanced military means in its bombardment of Yugoslavia under the pretext of “stalling ethnic cleansing”. This new strategic concept initiated by the U.S. also demonstrates that the U.S. wants NATO to become the military instrument for its hegemonic ambition. The basic principle set by the UN Charter is to maintain the sovereign equality of all its members; not to interfere in the internal affairs of any nation; to settle international disputes by peaceful means; to refrain from the threat or use of force against national territorial integrity. The norms of contemporary international relations are the result of the evolution of human civilization, the precondition of the healthy development of international relations, and what any civilized nation must scrupulously abide by. NATO’s military aggression on the Yugoslavia is a flagrant violation of the principles of international relations. As the aftermath indicates, using military means to implement new interventionism is unpopular. The international community should take measures to prevent the hegemonic behavior such as the aggression against a sovereign nation and interference in the internal affairs of other nations under the guise of maintaining human rights.

 

4. Recourse to the Power of Commodity. Imposing Western civilization on others by force is an increasingly more difficult approach in the new international situation. Therefore, the West resorts more to market forces to advance liberal and democratic ideas and values. This is the very important cultural strategy of the West. The West today is a society with a highly developed market economy, where what usually are spiritual matters are marketized and commercialized. The West led by the U.S. pays great attention to producing and exporting cultural goods, hoping these to be the main channel in enforcing personnel contacts and the exchange of ideas and values. The cultural products of the West and of the U.S. in particular are exported most actively during the advance of the modern market economy towards globalization. Due to modern science and technology, the Western cultural products are becoming more enticing, more attractive and more competitive. Western countries strongly support such ideological industries as film, TV, broadcast, VCD, fax, the internet and so on. They help those industries to develop foreign markets. The overwhelming strength of Western cultural transmission in this age of satellite technology is undeniable. In addition, Western countries launch attacks on some developing countries in the name of protecting intellectual property rights to ensure the free flow of Western civilization.

 

5. Strengthening Cultural Expansion. The friction and collision in the confluence of world civilizations shock Western civilization. Having always regarded itself as the center of world, the West perceives the challenges as a threat, hence the birth of “the theories of clash and of threat”. While hailing the triumph of the liberalism of Western civilization, some are surprised to find that the millennium of an empire under the Western civilization has not yet arrived. Since the end of the Cold War, the world is heading for the multi-polarization. Although it will take a long time to shape a new order of international relations, the key principle governing the new international order incontestably should be “noninterference in other countries’ internal affairs and social systems. It won’t work to require all the countries in the world to copy the patterns set by the United States, Britain and France.”7 The new world situation has reinforced the collision of the world cultures, due mainly to the fact that Western developed nations forcibly export Western culture by virtue of their advantageous position in economy, politics and the military. This has given rise to a retroactive psychology and resistance in developing nations. The West labels this resistance as a revival of nationalism. Those who say no to the West are listed as “nationalists” and stormed with condemnation. Huntington thus set forth nine policy suggestions to help the Western civilization continue to play a global role. He particularly stressed more cooperation between Europe and North America, stricter control of international institutions that reflect and legitimate Western interests and values, and promotion of the involvement of non-Western states in those institutions. He held that, the fundamental goal of NATO should be defined as “safeguarding and maintaining the Western civilization”. To him, the major responsibility of Western leaders is to protect and promote the interests, values and culture in the precious and unique civilization they share. Huntington’s intention is all too evident. If the Western countries follow his suggestions and impose Western values and interests on others, the international order and international relations certainly will fail to develop in a benign way; it will be the opposite.

 

CULTURAL FACTORS IN THE CHANGING INTERNATIONAL CONFIGURATION

 

As human society approaches the new millennia, international relations are changing in a dazzling manner. The United States is pressing on with implementing its goal of an uni-polar world. But the multi-polar tendency is developing through complex struggles. Great power relations are readjusting in the new situation. Countries are formulating their own national strategies in the light of their own interests, and their internal and external environment. Politics and economics, science and technology, the military and culture, all are basic factors in these strategic calculations. In the new century, cultural forces will be an indispensable instrument. Contradictory interactions among different cultures exert a dual impact on the change in international relations.

 

1. Independence. The commonality resulting from cultural exchanges reinforces the interdependence among great powers. The post-war years saw contradictory interactions shifting back and forth in the confrontation between the two superpowers. Scrambling for hegemony between the U.S. and the USSR was primarily one of contradictions in international relations. Since most attention was focused on the military confrontation, cultural factors were largely suppressed. Nevertheless, the U.S. put forward a strategy for peaceful evolution and carried it out by using cultural forces in a carefully scheduled way. The disintegration of the USSR and drastic changes in East Europe overjoyed Western countries. They see their victory in the Cold War as mainly the result of the impact of democratic ideas. The then US President Bush said excitedly at the graduation ceremony at Yale University in May, 1990, that the curtain of iron had disappeared, the Berlin Wall had fallen, along with it the myth of the ideology of communism. “You will find that the US example is working at every corner of the world.” He stressed on another occasion in the early 1990s that as the most powerful democracy in the world the U.S. must bear the responsibility of leading and helping safeguard the free nations of the world and promoting and strengthening democratic values across the world.8

Since the end of the Cold War, international relations have been readjusting in complex contradictory interactions. Gone is the bipolar configuration; a multi-polar tendency emerges in its instead. The zero-sum factor in great power relations is now on the wane. Driven by the economic globalization in particular, commonality in national interests increases each day. As interdependence in economic development grows, so does commonality in interstate political relations. As a result, the former rivalry-alliance relations are altering. The great powers of the world are seeking to establish a new type of relation. In recent years, China, the U.S., Russia, Japan and the EU have readjusted their strategy in succession and have striven to establish bilateral partnerships and to increase exchanges in the economy, politics, military and culture. Regular visits of national leaders and the opening of hotlines are also conducive to increasing understanding, dissolving differences and strengthening cooperation.

In this process of adjustment of great power relations, not only are politics, the military and the economy full of variables, but also culture is a vector not to be overlooked. The growing integration resulting from cultural interactions strengthens economic interdependence and the mechanisms of political consultation. Over recent years, despite the discords, competition and sometimes even intensive conflicts in great power relations, certain concessions have finally been made through dialogues and consultations. The root-cause of the new model of the evolving international relations is precisely the effect of the soft power of culture. The shift in the international configuration and the adjustment of great power relations are in fact adjustments of interests. This is closely connected with value orientation. In this sense, the integration of cultures promotes the interdependence of great power relations and increases their ability to seek a commonality of interests.

2. Discord. The cultural gap inevitably invokes discords and struggles among the great powers. World cultures are multi-hewed; each has its positive and negative sides. The confluence of different cultures inevitably generates frictions and collisions. Different cultures exchange virtues in order to offset one’s own flaws so that cultures progress upward and forward. The changes in international relations also show contradictory cultural interactions. The above-mentioned cultural integration is the positive side of culture; but its negative side is also an objective reality.

Cultural gaps are one of the causes of conflicts. Nations or groups of nations such as the U.S., Japan, China, Russia and EU impact the changes of international configuration. The formulation of their foreign strategies is affected by their respective value orientation. Once involved in international relations their cultural gaps will invoke conflicts. The reshuffling of international forces is invariably constrained by the cultural factor.

The most outstanding issue emerging from the Sino-US cultural gaps is that of human rights. The continuous US attacks on China and other developing nations at the meetings of the UN Human Rights Commission stem from its strategic goal of forcing those countries to accept U.S. democracy and values. Viewed in a broader context, the U.S. aims at encouraging internal Chinese “forces for economic and political liberalization”, and “ensuring the broad and peaceful evolution of China from communism to democracy”.9 The struggles over human rights issues reflect the conflict between two value-systems and between Eastern and Western civilizations. These struggles between ideologies and values have ripple effects on inter-state and state-group relations.

Different national strategies can be discerned in these struggles. The formulation of a national strategy and its implementation manifest the personal role of leaders whose ideologies and styles have taken shape in a cultural environment developed over a long term. Antagonism and conflicts in the diplomacy of the great powers mirror cultural gaps; their reconciliation and improvement are also the process of cultural compromises.

However, the likelihood of the conflicts caused by cultural gaps should not be exaggerated in exploring relations between culture and changes in international configuration. Huntington claimed that the great divisions among humankind and the dominant source of conflict would be cultural; that the principal conflicts of global politics would occur between nations and groups of nations of different civilizations; and that the clash of civilizations would be the battle lines of the future.10

Though cultural conflicts are inevitable judging from the contradictory interactions when different civilizations in interest, the extension of these conflicts is limited. Culture is an invisible force and its impacts on international relations must be exerted through visible political, economic and military bodies. But as the globalization of the world economy develops the interaction of national interests also increases, and so does the tendency toward interdependence among nations. One of the cases in point is the financial crisis in 1997 in Southeast Asia, which rapidly affected Asia and the world.

Culture is the sum of the material and spiritual wealth generated by the historical activities of human society. The most profound source of the cultural force lies in the accumulation of the evolutionary process of the mode of social production. The conflicts and integration of different cultures are constrained by this evolution. Thus, in economic globalization conflicts caused by the confluence of different cultures must be curbed and the advancement of common interests must promote an all-inclusiveness among different cultures. The relative reinforcement of cultural integration will tend proportionality to dampen the conflicts.

This contradictory interactions of cultural conflicts and integration are apparently consistent with the adjustment of great power relations. It is particularly notable that cultural gaps exist even among nations that share the same cultural attribute in general and will certainly invoke contradictions and conflicts. The Western world is anything but monolithic. Western civilization shares homogeneity in source, but heterogeneity in streams. They agree generally in value terms, but diverge on particular issues in their distinct historical development. Their stances may vary in handling particular issues of international relations inasmuch as the object of the given issues may vary, as may the timing, background and thrust of interests. Therefore, even in the West, the contradictory interactions of cultures will affect the relations of nations and reflect an evolution of conflicts and integration.

3. Ethnic and Religious Factors. The influence of contemporary ethnic and religious factors on the transformation of the world configuration is gaining prominence. Culture as a complex whole involves ethnic and religious factors. Divergences in ethnic folklore and religious faiths may invoke contradictions and conflicts. These existed in the Cold War, but were cushioned by the bipolar confrontation as the principal contradiction; now that the Cold War is over the contradictions, erstwhile cushioned, are surfacing. Antagonism between Muslims and non-Muslims can be observed in Kosovo, Bosnia, Kashmir, Nigeria, Chechnya and Afghanistan. Some local conflicts also happen between Muslims. This kind of conflict between Iraq and Iran lasted eight years and cost almost one million lives. Wars between Arab nations and Iraq abounded, and conflicts occurred between Algeria and Morocco in the Sahara. Fundamentalist turmoil has inflicted Egypt and Algeria. People are shocked by ethnic genocide in Somali, Rwanda and East Timor. Most hot spots in today’s international society are linked with ethnic and religious contradictions. During the Cold War, almost all the internal conflicts were instigated, intervened in, or even joined by the two superpowers. Since the Cold War, this kind of internal conflicts has tended to invite international intervention, most initiated and led by the United States and joined positively by other Western nations. The degrees and methods of the intervention depend on their strategic necessity. Despite some rhetoric on the African ethnic killings the U.S. was quite inactive after its intervention in Somalia, but it entered the fight in the Kosovo crisis.

The Balkans are strategically crucial to the common interests of the U.S. and its European allies. The enduring ethnic conflicts in Kosovo were unfavorable to the eastward expansion of NATO and the EU. The war launched by the US-led NATO on Yugoslavia inflicted great suffering on the peoples of whatever ethnicity. Besides, it impaired Sino-US and Russian-US relations. The Kosovo conflict even lent new contradictions and differences to Atlantic relations. Obviously, this kind of international intervention is not advisable for addressing ethnic contradictions and conflicts, and is detrimental to great-power relations as well. Under certain conditions, fair and just international intervention may be helpful in settling internal ethnic or religious conflicts. But it must be done at the request of the party and according to the decisions of the UN Security Council. As history has vindicated repeatedly, ethnic and religious issues are too complicated and too sensitive for recourse to external armed intervention to be able to do any good at all. Such intervention will only further aggravate the contradictions and leave troubles long into the future. 11

4. The Cultural Factor in China’s Foreign Relations. China adheres to an independent foreign policy of peace. China forges friendly and cooperative relations with all nations in line with the five principles of peaceful coexistence. China’s general strategic goal is to maintain world peace and strive for a peaceful international environment. This is good for its modernization drive.12 At the crucial historical juncture of the late 1980s and early 1990s, when world politics was changing dramatically, Deng Xiaoping set forth the strategic guideline: observe the situation coolly, hold our ground, act calmly, hide our capacities, bide our time and make our contribution.13 These guidelines constitute an important decision, proceeding from the long-term and fundamental interests of the Chinese people in the light of the important changes in international relations and in the correlation of international forces. These guidelines will continue as the strategic guideline we must follow, even though China has grown greatly in its comprehensive national strength over recent years and is playing an increasingly greater role in international affairs.

The formulation of China’s foreign policy and strategic guidelines has its deep cultural roots. China as a main force for world peace and stability has its deep historical cultural background. In terms of its cultural tradition, China stresses peace, harmony and reconciliation, and not imposing on others what you yourself do not desire. It advocates that “the whole world is one community”; its philosophy is that of a “combination of man and Heaven”. Over most of the last one and a half centuries, an impoverished and backward China had been invaded, oppressed and bullied by the world powers. The Chinese people spent a hundred years in bloodshed struggling to get rid of the yoke of foreign powers. Wars inflicted extraordinary disasters on the Chinese nation. From personal experience the Chinese people keenly understand the importance and value of peace and stability more than others. The Chinese people love peace, hate aggressive war, and treasure their hard-won independence. China will never subject other nations to the humiliation it once suffered.

China’s foreign policy and strategic guideline are subject also to its social nature. After the founding of the new China in 1949, China chose socialism as its political system. In essence, socialism stands for peace: maintenance of world peace and opposition to aggressive war are written in its constitution. These guarantee in terms of its system and law that China will never carry out an external invasion or expansion. Although the world is not very peaceful, the themes of peace and development are the irresistible historical trend. To strive for peace for a long period of time is its own need and also is in conformity with the needs of the people of the world. The instability of the world today stems mainly from hegemony and power politics. “To work for peace one must oppose hegemony and power politics”. “The aim of our foreign policy is world peace. Always bearing that aim in mind, we wholeheartedly devote ourselves to the modernization programme to develop our country and to build socialism with Chinese characteristics.”14 “Keeping to socialism is of vital importance for China”. If China “took the capitalist road, it would be a disaster for the world. It would be a retrogression of history, a retrogression of many years”. If China “abandoned the policy of peace and opposition to hegemonism or if, as the economy developed, it sought hegemony, that also would be a disaster for the world, a retrogression of history”.15

One of the outstanding issues of the contemporary international relations is that the U.S.-led Western nations often interfere in other nations’ internal affairs on the pretext of human rights, and forcefully advance Western democracy. This runs counter to Chinese foreign policy and strategy. Hence, contradictions and struggles are unavoidable and chronic. Deng Xiaoping stated in 1990 that “the key principle governing the new international order should be noninterference in other countries’ internal affairs and social systems. It won’t work to require all the countries in the world to copy the patterns set by the United States, Britain and France”. Were the Western developed countries to insist on interfering in other countries’ internal affairs and social systems, “it would lead to international turmoil”.16The world today is still seeing the reshuffling of international forces and a profound adjustment of international relations. China’s foreign policy and strategy will continue to advance the multi-polarization of the world in fighting hegemony and power politics. The Chinese nation in its historical development of thousands of years has created a splendid culture, contributing to the progress of the human civilization. Today, the Chinese nation is endeavoring to build China into a modern socialist country, with great cultural and ethical progress in conjunction with material advancement, which will make a yet greater contribution to the cause of human progress.

 

NOTES:

 

1. Gan Chunsong: Modernization and Cultural Choice, Jiang Xi People’s Publishing House, 1998, p. 2-4.

2. Samuel Huntington, “Clash of Civilization?” Foreign Affairs, summer 1993.

3. The first four models in this article are summed up on the basis of relevant materials in “Culture and International Relations”, Washington Quarterly, 1996. The fifth is the author’s own view.

4. Zhang Hongyi, ed., United States Human Rights and Human Rights Diplomacy (People’s Publishing House, 1993), p. 282.

5. Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping (Foreign Languages Press), Volume III, pp. 334, 336, 346, 347.

6. Samuel Huntington, “Clash of Civilization?”

7. Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Volume III, pp. 334, 336, 346, 347.

8. Liang Yuntong, et al, The U.S. Strategy of Peaceful Evolution (Jilin People’s Publishing House, 1997), p. 174.

9. Lu Liandi, et al, Track of Sino-U.S. Relations (Current Affairs Publishing House, 1995), p. 353.

10. Samuel Huntington, “Clash of Civilization

11. Speech by Jiang Zemin as he met with the EU Envoy and Finnish President Ahdisari, Xinhua Daily Cable, June 9, 1999.

12. Study Program on Deng Xiaoping’s Foreign Thought (World Knowledge Publishing House, 2000), pp. 101, 116.

13. Ibid.

14. Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping (Foreign Languages Press), Volume III, pp. 66, 161, 346, 347.

15. Ibid.

16. Ibid.