RELIGIOUS BELIEF IN ANCIENT CHINA

From the very beginning of Chinese culture, a certain belief in God appears at the same time as the birth of letters. According to the study of oracle-bones of Lwo Chen-yu (1169),⁽¹⁷⁾ worship and prayers to God were widespread even then. The same phenomenon is recorded in the history (classics) of the dynasties of Hsya, Shang and Chou. The term T'ien (Heaven), expressing God, is repeated more than 330 times while that of Ti (the Sovereign) indicating Power is scattered throughout, appearing more than 80 times. In the work of Chou-yi, we find also more than ten passages relating to T'ien and the Heaven-Mandate.⁽¹⁸⁾ These documents confirm the existence of a personal God (in the Chinese mind), or the Demiurge of all things and all races. He is absolute Goodness, the Protector of mankind, the Designer of natural and moral laws. He is also the umpire defending common goodness and righteousness, who judges man for the latter's moral acts (rewarding good people and punishing the evil). All that explains why our ancestors have worshiped God with the deepest reverence, and have trusted him sincerely. When an individual or the whole nation encounter difficulty or disaster, they rush to God, pay tribute, ask forgiveness and pray to him. They even sometimes complain to God, expressing their hurt feelings and discontent.

How is it, O great Heaven,

That he will not hearken to all just words?

He is like a man going [astray]

[who knows] not where all will proceed to.

All ye officers,

Let each of you all reverently attend to his duties.

How do ye not stand in awe of one another?

Ye do not stand in awe of Heaven.⁽¹⁹⁾

This passage has in fact not expressed any doubt or negation of God, but the feeling of impotence and the ignorance of man in the face of the absolute, transcendent, mysterious, omnipotent God.

Compassionate heaven, arrayed in terrors,

How is it you exercise no forethought, no care?

Let alone the criminals:--

They have suffered for their offenses;

But those who have no crime

Are indiscriminately involved in ruin.⁽²⁰⁾

Denying this historical fact, many scholars, especially the Marxists (in mainland China), still cling to the view that even the concept of God was only a social product of feudal society. They contend that from the late Chou on the concept of God is only born from the fetishism and later the cult of ancestors in accordance with social development and new emerging needs. Accordingly, many forms of religion, from fetishism to pantheism, from polytheism to monotheism . . . are different reactions of primitive societies and class-societies. Wang You-San for example bluntly states:

The origin of religion can be traced back to the cult of culture, the worship of totem and then to the belief of a soul which later spreads to polytheism and finally to the worship of a God. This belief finally takes form in an institutionalized religion. In general, religion consists of primitive, relatively individual religion, social religion and social-conscious religion which are born from the reductions of society, and which are the natural products of the earlier stage of social development.⁽²¹⁾

Several scholars, among them Kwo Mo-jo, claim that the cult of ancestors was developed in the Shang Dynasty as a form of ideology whose purpose is to consolidate imperial power. This means that the concept of God comes rather from the cult of the chief of a clan. Fu Pei-jung contests this view by pointing out:

Relying on the documents studied on the oracle-bones, we can absolutely reject these claims because: 1) there is no trace of what we call the God of Shang-clan. We possess no empirical fact showing the blood-relationship between Di (the sovereign) and the royals. 2) The description of the cult of ancestors and of natural god is completely different, because Di is considered as the omnipotent God in high. 3) It shows in the oracle-bones that Di is empowered to command, reward and punish Shang dynasty. That clearly indicates that the God in high is not only the Lord of the Shang. 4) Human feeling and their relationship to God inscribed on the oracle-bones are also recorded in the Book of History. In this book, the attitude of the people of Xia, Shang and Chou is not much different from that of those of the earlier Chou.⁽²²⁾

By showing that the concept of God is not born either from the worship of nature or from the cult of ancestors, that the Clan-god was not an ideological product defending the power of the Shang, that the belief in God was already accepted and deeply in the heart of all people before and after the Shang, we are forced to arrive at a thesis that, in ancient times and in the mind of the primitive people, there was already a belief in God. Scholars who are still skeptical should note that even if the available documents cannot perfectly demonstrate the divine origin of all, then at least there is not a single historical document which can reject the validity of our thesis. The belief in God among Chinese is as old as the idea of nature-worship and ancestors-cult.

In presenting such a thesis, we do not claim to solve the puzzle on the origin of monotheism. Nor do we want to demonstrate the existence of God in Chinese culture. Our point is much more simple, namely, that the idea of God is as old as our culture, and that such an idea is consciously held by all people, from the moment of the birth of intellect. Thus, we object to the over-simplification of the Marxists that monotheism is nothing but an evolutionary idea or a product of fetishism and polytheism, that religion is a naive ideology fabricated by a class society. To make our point more clear, we will use philosophical argument to clarify the question whenever historical documents are not in a position to give an adequate or clearcut answer. Besides, another important real fact, namely human hope, must be emphasized. Whenever we are looking at the cosmos, whenever we reflect upon ourselves, whenever we perform our moral duty, whenever we are aware of our limits, lacks and shortcomings, a certain desire toward the transcendent, the absolute, the perfect arises. This feeling is universal among all men, whether primitive or civilized.

THE SPIRIT OF HUMANISM

Generally speaking, the birth of philosophy in the Chun-chiu period (Spring-Autumn) is widely acknowledged as the beginning of the Chinese philosophy. The highest peak of philosophical development is the discovery of Tao (by the Confucianists and Taoists alike). To the Maoist, Tao is the foundation of all things while to the Confucianists, Lao appears next to Tai-chi, i.e., the most necessary and universal or the most essential of the universe. In other words, Tai-chi is the basis of all things. Without Tai-chi or Tao, things would never develop themselves, or never come into being. All would remain void.

We read from Xi Ci Zhuan:

The successive movement of yin and yang constitutes the Way (Tao). What issues from the Way is good, and that which realizes it is the individual nature. The man of humanity (Jen) sees it and calls it humanity. The man of wisdom sees it and calls it wisdom. And the common people act according to it daily without knowing it. In this way the way of the superior man is fully realized.⁽²³⁾

The above passage clearly explains yin and yang as two factors of the cosmos which constitute the Tao which is the origin of goodness, human nature and human beings themselves. It shows Tao is the foundation of life. Another passage in the same book which sheds more light on this view⁽²⁴⁾ indicates that implicit in Tao are the three `tsai', i.e., T'ien on high, Man in the middle and the Earth below. Conforming to the three `tsai' (three realities) are the three different but related principles (or Tao): the Tao of the Heaven, the Tao of man and the Tao of Nature. By explaining Tao in such a way, Tao is meant as the means of communication. Actually, Tao communicates the will of Heaven, man and Earth. Such an idea fits exactly with what is written in the book of the Doctrine of the Mean: "He who is able to fulfill his own nature completely will be able to fulfill completely the nature of all things"⁽²⁵⁾; and "In order to know man he may not dispense with a knowledge of Heaven".⁽²⁶⁾ In the Book of Mencius: "He is affectionate to his parents, but is merely benevolent towards the people. He is benevolent towards the people, but is merely sparing with things."⁽²⁷⁾ "He who has given full realization to his heart knows his nature and then knows Heaven. To retain his heart and nourish his nature is to serve Heaven."

Here we can see clearly the triple communicative function of Tao: namely ontological, gnoseological and moral. In Confucianism and Taoism, Tao is much more open and free. It describes the infiniteness of T'ien and the limit of the Earth, the inner relationship as well as the co-habitation of man and nature. Hence, in this tradition, Tao appears as somewhat like God, and T'ien can be understood only in the context of metaphysics. One can say, Tao is embraced by the people because the Heavenly Tao is inborn or innate in the human heart and mind. It is not only for the sake of human destiny, or human relation to nature, or for the sake of moral satisfaction. Tao is thus the objective of human life. A conscious man is therefore a more autonomous man; man is always conscious of Tao for this reason.

Similarly, belief in God is a matter of fact. Belief is a human way of dealing with nature, with the mysterious, transcendent force. Such characteristics of the believer could be considered as the spirit of humanism in the Chun-chiu period, which makes this period the most flourishing and cherished in the history of China. They show two ways of human praxis: the first deals with the harmony between God, man and the Earth. In such a harmony, man never loses his own freedom. That way was adopted by Confucianism, Taoism and Mohism. The second way expresses how man tries to live alone without God and nature, i.e., the immanentist way. This is a preparatory step to naturalism and atheism, of which the chief representatives are Lieh-tzu, Kwan-tsu, Yang-chu, Han Fei-tzu etc.

Historical facts tell us that, in the time of Confucius, Lao-tzu and even earlier, the reverence of humanism and the worship of the heavenly Tao were matters of fact. A bizarre thing happened later when the old regime, in order to consolidate its power, twisted the reality by fabricating a new relationship between the Heaven-mandate and the reigning dynasty and feudal system. Such an abuse secularized (or demythologized) T'ien, and consequently, replaced God by a man who claims to be the son of God (T'ien-dzu). Such a practice forces man to believe that the power of the son of God and power itself have nothing to do with God Himself, but are related to the institutionalization or rationalization of power in the latter period of the Chou dynasty. That is the main reason of human doubt regarding the presence of T'ien.⁽²⁸⁾ Another view recorded in Two-chuan regards the symbol of the king which is explained simply as the symbol of superiority and no longer as the messenger or the representative of God.⁽²⁹⁾ But superiority is understood in the sense of moral conducts and the texts of Two- chuan unmistakenly lay great emphasis on morality in Chinese culture. Some examples will show how the humanist spirit developed, and how they put less emphasis on the Way of Heaven.

Tzu-cheng and Yen-tzu could be called the representatives of humanism in their time. Tzu-cheng who died about 520 BC was fifty years older than Confucius. According to Two-chuan, in the 17th year of the Chou-kung regime, a comet suddenly appears. An officer of the Tzu saw it as the sign of catastrophy (fires) which fell upon the four small states of Sung, Wei, Chen and Cheng. A bureaucrat named Pi-dzao suggested to Tzu-cheng a ceremony worshipping God in order to avoid this catastrophy. At first, Tzu-cheng took this lightly as a matter of superstition. However, why did a big fire engulf these states? This time, Cheng-jen again suggested to offer to God the national treasure as a sign of repentance, but Tzu-cheng replied: "The far distant heaven is much different from the present human way. We are unable to know the way of Heaven. Pi-dzao claims to know it, but how can he? That is nonsense".⁽³⁰⁾

Actually, Tzu-cheng denied the connection between super-natural power and man. He thus held the view that belief in a super-force behind nature, and belief in God as the judge who will punish people by means of a catastrophy are not identical. The first belief in super-force corresponds completely to religious belief, while the latter violates common rational understanding. Tzu-cheng affirms the existence of God, but he also notes the mystery of the Way of Heaven that creates difficulty for us in relating the Way of Heaven to the way of man. In this context, it is hard to label Tzucheng an atheist.

Yan-tzu was born ca. 500 BC. The Yan-tzu recorded some of his ideas during the period of the Warring-States. He emphasizes the law of nature by claiming that human development and disease are connected with natural law so that there is no way other than to follow nature.⁽³¹⁾ The story of such an idea is as follows: One day, Tzu Chi-kung thinks of his own death. He worries, cries and hopes that he never dies. Yon tzu ridicules him saying: "nature shows us that death and birth are matters belonging to Heaven; why do you worry about them. Why are we afraid? Is it ridiculous to worry, to be afraid of them?"⁽³²⁾ Hence, Yon tzu protests Tzu Chi-kung's prayer for longevity.⁽³³⁾ The emphasis on the way of man, and on the fact itself, as well as on the act of following nature in the Chun-chiu period sometimes caused another problem as well. People have often taken superstitious prescriptions and employed magic to force God to support them, simply neglecting to act morally and to love people. This shows that too much emphasis on the way of man and too little on the Way of Heaven or death does not manifest authentic humanism. Conscious of this fact, Confucius once told his disciples: "If we are not yet able to serve man, how can we serve spiritual beings?" (The Analects, Xian Jin) or "If we do not yet know about life, how can we know about death ?" (The Analects, Yong ye).⁽³⁴⁾

This way of talking about man reflects the spirit of that time. In the works of Confucius, the transcendent way of Heaven and the immanent way of man confirm the existence of the God of tradition. Belief in God and ghosts, in immortality and fate are in fact a common feature of Chinese humanism and help man to reach harmony. In comparison to Tzu-cheng and Yan-tzu, others have little to say against God.

KWAN-TZU, LIEH-TZU, YANG-CHU AND ATHEISM

Kwan-chung (died 645 BC), was more than 100 years older than Confucius and a well known politician in the earlier period of Chun-chiu. Kwan-tzu is not his own writing but a collective work of many intellectuals in the Warring-States. Kwan-tzu concerns himself with the question of the origin of the universe, God, man and ghosts. He adopts a naturalistic stand to explain the universe and claims that we can indeed grasp the cosmos in terms of the active life of matter. He also contends in a passage of `Schwei Li' that there is an inter-relationship between water, earth and air (chi) which can be explained from different aspects of the activating matter and that, therefore, matter can be regarded us the foundation of life. He affirms that chi is not other than Tao.⁽³⁵⁾ He even suggests that what we call the human image, spirit and ghosts, are born in chi and sometimes distinguishes chi in two different categories: pure chi (ching chi) and impure chi (tzu-chi). More than that, he concludes that human spirit and life originally come from the material chi. Without chi, nothing can survive or exist independently. Thus we can call Kwan-chung's view naturalism and he actually constructs a view of the way of heaven which he regards as the way of nature. Thus, for him, the way of heaven and of the earth function in accordance with natural laws.

In other passages, Kwan-tzu has mentioned sincerity, help and the greatness of the way of heaven. He even mentioned goodness and evil, but thinks of these terms in a somewhat more moral manner. They have nothing to do with the conception of God or a personal God, for it is man himself who acts and relies on the natural way. From another aspect, Kwan-tzu also affirms that, in order to become a good ruler, one should understand how to come to terms with the Tao of ghost (or the divine way).⁽³⁶⁾

The fact that Kwan-tzu lays a great deal of emphasis upon the human factor and less on the superstitious aspects does not contradict his neutral attitude toward religion. In fact, he does not dare to neglect the traditional belief in God and the custom of worshipping from the Chou on because he believes that these beliefs and customs contribute to enlightening the ordinary people and protecting the nation. Of course, we detect a certain form of atheism in his works which exercises an undeniable influence on later generation of atheists, but Kwan's atheism is not radical or systematically developed.

Lieh-tzu, like other literate persons in the Warring-states held the view that all things come from chi. He says:

Formerly the sages reduce heaven and earth to a system by means of yin and yang. But if all that has shape was born from the shapeless, from what were heaven and earth born? I answer: there was a primal simplicity, there is a primal beginning, commencement, primal material.

Here one clearly discovers Lieh-tsu's primal material or material force or chi. Lieh-tsu's chi-ism explains how heaven, earth and all things derive or develop . . . from chi. The circular activities of chi, from simplicity to complexity, and again from complexity back to simplicity are happening indefinitively. In this way, Lieh-tzu confirms that chi is the root of the cosmos, and the reason for natural events. That is to say, he clings to the view that the natural and mysterious activities of chi manifest and complete themselves in the silence of the cosmos. He notes: "The natural develops in quietness" and even suggests: "The way of nature's knowing is the way of unknowing, complete in incompleteness" (Tien Rwei). It is evident that Lieh-tzu's naturalism is nothing but immanentism which excludes the possibility of a transcendent. By naturalism he means: "without self-genesis and self-transformation nothing comes to its present state."

The relationship between living nature and organic creatures is a relatively causal one. By taking the view of organism, Lieh-tzu unconsciously explains man in terms of his chi-ism. Yin Ling-feng once remarked that the last stage in Lieh-tzu's naturalism is the appearance of human beings, whose essence could be described as "harmonized act with chi": like heaven, man comes directly from the ultimate Chi.⁽³⁷⁾

We share the view of Yan ling-feng that by starting from naturalism and chi-ism, Lieh-tzu denies the difference between the spirit and the body, and consequently the existence of a transcendent outside of matter and chi. The difference between the spirit and the body is only a matter of degree of the different grades of chi. Analogously, he explains the ghosts in terms of a natural state of man after death, and not a fully independent spirit, which lives eternally external to the body. It is no wonder that Lieh-tzu never discusses the question of immortality. In a word, his naturalism is much closer to the western materialism.

Another scholar who follows the same line as Lieu-tzu is Yang-chu. He develops a certain egoism and individualism similar to the theory of Max Stirner as a radical individual utilitarianism. This view was criticized by Mencius:

The principle of the philosopher Yang was "Each one for himself." Though he might have benefitted the whole kingdom by plucking out a single hair, he would not have done it.⁽³⁸⁾

Yang-chu's individual utilitarianism can be understood only in the context of his view of human life. He boasted: "Then what is a man to live for? Where is he to find happiness? Only in fine clothes and good food, music and beautiful women." But he then adds: "It is in life that the myriad things of the world are different. In death they are all the same".⁽³⁹⁾ For Yang chu death is liberation from suffering. If after death, all are the same, then clearly there is no immortality at all. We live only a short period and if joy, happiness and satisfaction are the ultimate purposes of human life then we must simply ignore life after death.

From another point of view, Yang-chu also holds that the Chinese tradition of chi is the main line and it consists of yin and yang which can explain the movement of life. Lieh-tzu admires Yang-chu, perhaps because of the latter's naturalism and chi-ism. Thus he explains life and death as the circular movement of chi. Life and lifeless, mortal and immortal, all are natural and relative. All are self-developing and self-satisfying. Thus, the most important thing is to follow the natural way, enjoys our fleeting life and be satisfied with it. He advises: "Make haste to enjoy your life while you have it; why should we care what happens when we are dead?"⁽⁴⁰⁾

Consequently, it is easy for him to conclude that to seek the after-life is simply immoral or anti-natural. The final result of such an absurd enterprise is nothing at all. Feng You-lan rightly points out that for Yang-chu there is nothing but the satisfaction of all desires, especially those of the flesh.⁽⁴¹⁾ Another consequence is that one must ignore death because it threatens happiness. "There is an old saying that each of us should pity the living and abandon the dead. This saying puts it exactly." To take the view of Yang-chu more transparently, we would summarize his idea as follows: On the one hand, to Yang, whatever does not fit the natural way (such as the effort of trying to overcome death) is simply irrational. For life or death do not depend on man or from man, thus one is in no position to change his or her status. What one can do is to avoid suffering, to ignore the result, and to enjoy oneself. Or the other hand, Yang prefers the so-called philosophy of non-doing; however, his aim is not to promote human life (as with Lao and Chuang), but to escape from suffering in order to enjoy one's days. Therefore, he disregards man's frivolity and naivete in running after fame, holiness, etc., for that generates unhappiness. Finally, for Yang, to be a naturalist, egoist and individualist one ought not to follow traditional morals, to respect laws, etc., because these norms have no existential value at all.

HAN FEI-TZU AND ATHEISM

In the legalist school, Han Fei-tzu (died ca. 233 BC, just 14 years of Han Chin Shi Emperor) is regarded as the most brilliant representative of legalism because of his erudition of `lao' and `hsuy'. Han rarely discusses metaphysical matters. In one passage (chi-lao), he talks about the meaning of Tao and Li (principle): "Tao is that by which all things become what they are. It is that with which all principles are commensurable." Actually, Han Fei-tzu follows the line of Taoism by insisting on Tao as the principle making matter and transforming it into other matter. It is thus the most universal, because without it, where is no matter at all. Similarly, li cannot be removed from Tao. Li makes all things look differently. He argues: "Heaven obtains it and therefore becomes high. The earth obtains it (li) and wherefore can hold everything."⁽⁴²⁾ He continues:

In all cases the principle (li) is that which distinguishes the square from the round, the short from the long, the coarse from the refined, and the hard from the brittle. Consequently, it is only after principles become definite that Tao can be realized. According to principles, there are existence and destruction, life and death, flourish and decline.⁽⁴³⁾

Apparently, Han Fei's Tao bears great resemblance to the Tao of Confucianism and Taoism. It seems to be close to the inclusive and omniscient way of heaven, way of man and natural way. But, such an interpretation is insufficient, because Han Fei sometimes takes a stand in opposition to Confucianism and Taoism. Hu-shi suggests that we need to explore Han-Fei's epistemology, his `experience-sharing' and `common use' to explain this puzzle. Hu-Shi argues:

Experience-sharing shows how Han Fei-tzu attends to experimentation. Han believes that he can experiment with all things by taking the conception of common use.⁽⁴⁴⁾

Han Fei-tzu himself gives following explanation:

Both Confucius and Mo-tzu transmitted the doctrines of Yao and Schun. Although they differed in what they accepted or rejected, they each claimed to represent the true teachings of Yao and Schun. Now Yao and Schun cannot come to life again. Who is going to determine the truth of Confucianism and Mohism ? It has been more than seven hundred years from Yin and Chou times, and more than two thousand years from the times of Yao and Schun. If we are unable to determine the truth of Confucianism and Mohism and yet wish to determine the doctrines of Yao and Schun of three thousand years ago, I believe it is impossible to be sure of anything. To be sure of anything without corroborating evidences is stupidity, and to base one's argument or anything about which one cannot be sure is perjury. Therefore those who openly base their arguments on the authority of the ancient kings and who are dogmatically certain of Yao and Schun are men of either stupidity or perjury.⁽⁴⁵⁾

Han Fei-tzu unmistakenly relies on correct, objective and verifiable knowledge. Such objective knowledge must be supported by our experience which in turn, comes directly from our praxis or common use. Thus, it is logical that he disregards subjectivism. His claim that human sensibility and behaviour cannot be understood without a first understanding of experience leads him to take a stand in opposition to the subjectivists (Han-Fei, Wen bian). Consequently, he calls rational what is objective and universal. In order to develop knowledge and to achieve the success in one's career one needs to act in accordance with li (principle). He then goes on to advise us that in order to exist, all things in the universe must follow natural laws to which belong the two most fundamental: Tao and Li. However, sometimes he holds a certain relativism by putting much emphasis on consultative values and common use. Hsieh Yun-fei for example notes: "even fittingness, righteousness and laws must vary in accordance with changing time."⁽⁴⁶⁾ It is no secret that Han-Fei relies much on Taoism and later develops a certain theory of evolution of history.⁽⁴⁷⁾ As a matter fact, Han Fei-tzu seems to hold such a view when he criticizes Confucians and Mohists for their utopia of a society built on morality.⁽⁴⁸⁾

These criticisms convinced Jan Fei-tzu that only a legal system (fa) may help the cause. His concern thus is to establish a flexible legal system in accordance with natural change: "in order to govern the people, one needs fa (laws), but fa must be variable depending on changing times and people."⁽⁴⁹⁾ Consequently, he has no belief in God or ghosts because they have nothing to do with human laws. These beliefs are seen rather as a psychological reaction in the time of need and sorrow, despair and fear. He therefore objects to man's immortality.⁽⁵⁰⁾ He simply raises an objection: how do we know how to help others to obtain immortality when we all are dying? The most evident experience teaches us that there is not a single one who can escape from death. Therefore, any belief in immortality is unjustified. It is a useless hope or utopia.

In sum, from Han-Fei's epistemology, knowledge comes only from our living experience; what we call truth is relative. Thus, Tao is not a metaphysical tao, but rather the chi's experience (i.e. sub-physical) which is the foundation of all things. In this regard, Han Fei distances himself from Taoism. His Tao bears no metaphysical characteristics of Lao and Chuang, namely, the constant and the great Tao. On the other hand, his Tao also plays against the transcendent, heavenly Tao of Confucianism and of God. Actually, because of his stand against divine existence, even if we cannot label him atheist, he appears at least as an agnostic.

CONCLUSION

In discussing the tendency of immanentism in the Pre-Chin period, we must pay attention also to Hsun-tzu's naturalism. The superstition of the Yin-Yang school in the Warring-States period also deserves our attention. These schools have in a certain sense dismissed (or destroyed), partly, the religious characteristics of the Chinese tradition.⁽⁵¹⁾

Fujen University

Taipei