CHAPTER IV

MODELS OF CIVIC AWARENESS IN ANCIENT INDIA

S.K. PATHAK

Buddhist literature proposes the following hypothesis. Nomadic human groups in ancient days used to distribute the necessities of life without discrimination. An individualistic egoism prompting the search for greater possessions than others occurred to the human mind. Hence, the above tendency toward equidistribution changed and cravings predominated over simplicity.

The above hypothesis requires further analysis with reference to other models of civic awareness which prevailed in ancient Bharatavarsa. It presupposes the following factors in the growth of human societies:

- Historically, the pre-Buddhistic models of Vedic society had a nucleus of civic awareness (gaa)as the Vedic literature occasionally states.

- The Buddhist model originated out of the civic awareness of persons (pudala), in spite of social stratifications.

- The Jain model of individualistic identity challenged people to exert their identity (anek?nta-v?da).

- Besides these classified models, several unspecified groups in the ancient Bharatavarsa preserved their identity, assimilated under a wide banner of Tantra.

The motivation towards compromise has continued through trial and error till now.

VEDIC SOCIETY

Historically speaking, a social model had existed in northwestern Bharatavarsa prior to Vedic society. The archaeological remains excavated in the Indus valley (Harappa and Mohe¤jodaro) manifest an adoption of agriculture for their socio-economic growth. Probably, the culture of persons involved in that socio-economic structure drew upon the proximity of the models of the neighboring peoples. In this respect the ancient geography of the inner Asia highland steppes was landlocked from the warm waters of the deep seas and oceans. On the other hand, Bharatavarsa -- not Bharat presently abbreviated -- was referred to as Indies by the Greeks. The sea coast of the Arabian Sea provided a gateway to the culture of northwestern Bharatavarsa, the subcontinent, which presumably had an impact on Inner Asia through the land route. However, our knowledge is still presumptive.

Comparatively greater resource materials of Vedic culture have come down to us where there is less scope for guess work. The archaic geography leaves room to hold that the Hapta-Hindu, i.e., Sapta-Sindhu in Sanskrit, might include the rivers Oxus (Vcaku) and Jaxartes, included in the core region of Vedic culture. Greek belief supports the view that the rivers Oxus and Jaxartes used to flow into the Caspian Sea. The location of the Aral Sea and of Lake Lobnor might not then have been the same as now. Several studies have already been done on Vedic geography with reference to Saptasindhu. The culture core of the Vedic people might have originated in the Hapha Hindu area, as the Aversta claimed, and subsequently moved eastward into the Saraswati River, including the five branches of Sindhu in northwestern ?ry?varta: ima me gange yamune.

Saraswati sutadri stoma sacasa paruya/

asiknaya marudvdhe vistastia yajirkiye ?uhy? suomaya//

g. Veda X 75.5.

The account of Da?ar?¤ja strife supports the view that the core region of Vedic culture was the landlocked area between the Par?vat (Far) Sea and the Ar?vat (Near) Sea, that is, the region of Inner Asia beginning from the Oxus and Jaxartes River basins up to the Hindu (Sindhu) River. The g Veda referred to about fifty-five rivers in the area in which the peoples (jan? in the plural) had built their pluralistic cultural identity. Several episodes of internal strife generated gotra-identity among the Vedic peoples. That area seems to have belonged to three allied chieftains who had scored a victory over the Kara¤ja, P?raya and Rijar?va (Arjasp?) peoples. The g. Veda mentions their release by Indra by the killing of Vtra who had controlled that area.

Ta hatv? himari? sapta-sindh?n/

Yo ga ud?jadapagh? valasya/

Yo a?mano `antaragni jaj?na/

Samvk samatsu sa janas?h indra// (II. 12. 3)

The above citation supports the view that Indra, the Vrtrahan, was conducted by the community against the oligarchy led by rtra, ahura (asura) the opponent faction with stronger physical might.

Prior to the formation of r?¤ja (g Veda VII, 18, 33, s?kta) Vedic peoples belonging to different communities, but not necessarily hetrogenous, had not been consolidated. Localities were mostly distributed in Vi? jurisdictions administered by a protector (pati). Vi??pati was neither kingship nor oligarchic leadership.

In fact, the concept of kingship as a political force for state control occurs in Aitareya Brahmana which was probably compiled in 8-7 centuries, B.C. Presumably, the Vedic people, who might have come into contact with neighboring peoples claiming separate identity, were in teams or in clusters of persons having a common ethnic identity (jana). Some scholars identify gaa with `tribe' in the ethno-political context. Probably gaa referred to something different in the Atharva Veda and the g Veda. The concept of gaa became more concrete among the Vedic people, when the kingship (rajanya) became challenged to Vi? and gaa.

Gaa in the Vedas referred to an authority for conducting the cluster of people who might not be always homogenous in profession and livelihood. Gaa was a body constituted by social agreement and contracted for the mutual protection and welfare of community members as the need occurred. The body was formulated by the community members, based either on a family unit or an individual who had some say in the administration of gaa. In the Vedic model, the instances of gaa are not so distinct as in the Buddhist societies.

The term `tribe' for gaa is not always appropriate. Each gaa administered its own government and shared in the responsibility of the councils, i.e., sadas, sabh? and samiti sadas, for the protection and maintenance of each member. Sadas, sabh?, which appear to be synonyms in lexicons, were probably different in their composition and functions. Samiti suggested a greater body in which every individual member of the cluster or the heads of the family had direct responsibility and a voice.

In kingship, these associations which had a republican structure held a specific role in ensuring the administration of jurisdiction. Leadership or chiefianship of a gaa was hereditary by nomination or elected by an assembly (samiti) according to the practice of the community.

Of the four Vedas, the g Veda, refers to several cases of alienation and alliance which had been formidable in some instances. Broadly speaking, the diversity of communities and their indigenous social traits and behavioral mannerisms led to frequent confrontation. Moreover, the temptation to aryanisation by adaption of specific cultural homogeneity had been the cause of enmity in some cases. In this context, the invention of fire became a primary cause of strife and warfare. Hard competition, with struggles, probably continued among different groups in order to avail themselves of natural resources and deprive the opponents. The caste system was innovated when the social foundation was secure in imitation of the orderliness in the surrounding nature (rtam).

As regards the invention of fire, the Vedic mantra reads in praise of Agni,

tv?magne a?giraso guha hita/

anvavinda¤chi ?riy?a vane vane/

sa j?yase mathyam?na saho mahat/

tv?m?hu sohasasputrama?gira//

(S?maveda p?rva 108)

A?girasa was probably the inventer of fire, by rubbing together two pieces of wood (g Veda V 11.6). He thus became the promoter of the cult of fire worship. Zoroasthra innovated fire worship in Iran. Besides, A?girasa, Dadhyan Athawan, Atharv?ngiras, and Bhargamgirasa contributed to the growth of the history of mankind. The concept of deva as a hallowed one with sparkling light and the tendency to think of divinities as promoting human welfare evolved.

Like A?girasa, Atharvan entered into human health management, using herbs, prepared, where necessary, by the use of fire. Atharva Veda thus promoted a new vista of human culture in the land of Saptasindhu; fire worship also advanced to ritual fire sacrifice.

Likewise, the other primary elements in surrounding nature were appreciated, among them being the sun which was regarded as supreme, according to some mantras.

Bramaha asi s?rya bal? (vad?) ditya maha asi.

Mahaste sato mahia panasyate ldha deva maha asi.

Vat S?rya ?ravasa maha asi ?acra devea maha asi.

Mahin? dev?n?mas?rya purohito vibhu rjyotir?dabhy?m.

(g Veda VIII 101 11; Atharva 13.2.29, Sama 276, 1788)

As the guardian of the primary elements and derivative phenomena, the ethereal space was explored by the Vedic seers. The abyss of space coexisting with universal items was revealed to the seers as the universe (vi?vam) having immeasurable potential force in nature.

The means of livelihood were conducted in interdependent relationships between the individual and the group to which the person belonged, namely, the gr?ma and gr?m?a, the self-sustained village unit. In due course urbanization appeared, as Vedic society entered the later period narrated in the Brahmana and S?tra literature. On the other hand, the ?ranyaka literature of this period was devoted to the i-culture (?ra ki).

Thus, social order and political administration were ordered by tam, a balanced status in which any deviation was regarded as antam (disorderliness) and a-satyam (lapse from purity). Here, satyam is not truth, as it commonly translated, but refers to psychic state of the individual in relation to social orderliness where no duplicity or hypocrisy prevailed, according to i-culture.

The terms tam, i, ?rya are derived from the verb root `' which suggests to change, to move and to be in motion. In spite of mobility, an orderliness pervaded a person's life in the community (gaa). Human values depended on morality and self purity.

Above all, the inhabitants of Sapta-sindhu who were the promoters of the Vedas had a spirit of integration and adjustment with various social forces, whether alien or allied. As result the scientific knowledge of the Vedic people spread throughout and with the least restriction and resistance. Cultural mobility holds a two-way movement: incoming and outgoing. Revelation to the Vedic seer spoke of mutual co-existence as articulated in phrases like sa?gacchadva samvadadhva/sam vo man?nsi j?nat?m/. The value of orderliness was invoked.

BUDDHISM

As stated above, the Buddhists had framed a social model in which several autonomous clans (gotra) participated. Sakyautra Gautama the Buddha, appeared in the sixth century, B.C., when the Brahmana and S?tra injunctions were enforced in such monarchic states as Vasa, Avant?, Ko?ala and Magadha in the Gangetic river basins. Other autonomous clans, like the ??kya, Buli, Kalamas, Bhagga, Koliya, Moriya, Mallas, Vidha, and the Licchavi preferred the gaa concept of socio-political administration.

The fourfold social distribution based on professional functioning turned to the birth-ight, by which a section cited purity of blood to claim superiority for the Brahmanas over the rest. Gautama came out of the ??kyakula (community) who were distinct from the Vedic i-gotra (clan). Actually the terms like gaa kula, gotra, gr?ma, araya, br?hmana, katriya, vai?ya, s?tra in early Vedic diction had changed their social context in the later Vedic society when the Vedic people entered a process of rapid urbanization. It is therefore difficult to find the appropriate correspondent term as they took on new contextual connotations. This is a serious problem in appreciating the societies and their mutual relations in ancient Indian literature.

For instance, gaa is occasionally rendered as republic by some modern scholars. Immediately, the present day mind recalls the models of the Roman Republic or the Republics of India or of China. But none of these political frameworks agrees with that of the early Vedic period (C. 1500-800 B.C.) nor with that of the later Vedic period (C. 800-300 B.C.) when the Dharma??stras (C. 300 B.C. to 300 A.D.) shaped the life of the India people. Again, English terms like democracy, oligarchy, autonomy, tribe and individual in relation to society, tend to create linguistic communication gaps.

Moreover, the socio-political structures of the above-mentioned gaa during the sixth century, B.C. were not uniform in the observance of morality and self-purity which had been the primary factor of social identity. An instance of Ambapali in the Licchavi gaa may be cited here. His personality was respected. In spite of the unanimous opinion of the local gaa council which never contradicted him a contrasting instance may be cited under the rule of Draipoadi who was insulted in the presence of the assembly (sabh?).

The heritage of ancient Indian civic awareness was shaped anew after the Buddhist culture model, as preserved in the Pali and the Sanskrit Buddhist literature of India and their early translations into Chinese, Tibetan and Mongolian. Sakyaputra Gautam had laid emphasis on the early Vedic concept of balance or equilibrium. Sakyautra laid emphasis on the observance (cary?) of moral regulations (??ladharma) at the individual level. His analysis of the relationship between an individual person and the society to which the person belongs was reciprocal, as usually envisaged in a gaa. He advised that his sayings regarding one's life (dgarma) and moral discipline (vinaya) should guide his mopnastic organization. This was made up of persons who renounced personal family engagement in the service of removing the suffering of the many (bahajanahit?yu bahujanasukh?ya).

The sita-based model among the Buddhists took an unprecedented turn when A?oka decreed moral behavior in the public life through his inscription on stones tablets in the local languages, such as: `cultivate moral values? by citing that which he used to perform. The application of balance (ritam) in the reciprocal relations between the individual and society applies especially to the ruler. In that respect, the Arthasastra might have guided the ruler A?oka about royal conduct. The Dharma ??stras also laid down similar instructions, but few abided by them due to the allure of egoistic desire or thirst for self-gain.

The Buddhist model of civic awareness spread all over the world with its emphasis on moral discipline and its humanistic approach. Sakyaputra Gautama used ariya (?rya) in the sense of being noble, superior, good and its opposite word anariya (an?rya) signifying, mean, inferior and bad. In the socio-spiritual context ariya (?rya) and anariya (an?rya) do not refer to the ethnic discrimination of the Aryan (cultured) from the non-Aryan (uncultured) in the sura of white merits and the asura of black merits as referred to in the Vedic and Puranic traditional literature. As a result, the socio-spiritual uplift was enlivened when the Buddhists accepted the Tantric model with esoteric exercises.

JAINS

Mah?v?ra was a contemporary of Sakyaputra Gautama. He also endeavored to raise the individual awareness by self-development by describing it as an extension of mental capacity. Mah?v?ra was of a k?atriya family of Kundapura where the Khatriya families lived. Like Gautama, the Buddha, Mah?v?ra attained the supreme knowledge (kevalaj¤?na) and became Arhat with omniscience and omnivision. He had eleven chief disciples who were described as gaadhara.

Vai??li was also strong in gaa, and Mahav?ra encouraged autonomy and individuality (pudgala). Like Buddhism, Jain thought emphasized the moral purity of the individual in order to be freed from the bondage that led an individual to suffer in this life. No creator of this world exists. There is no transcendent ??vara nor its avat?ra or incarnation.

The Jains hold the observance of ?y?radhamma or ethical discipline as an important facet for the person to move towards liberation (moka) in this life (jivanmukti). The Jain texts, therefore, stress the code of conduct (vinaya) to build up individual identity and a healthy society. Vinaya is defined as vinayati apanayati yatkarmamukham tad vinaya, i.e., that which removes, keeps away or destroys inauspicious acts in the Vijayodaya commentary of Apar?jita s?ri (C. 800 A.D.) on M?t?r?dhan? of ?ivakaty?c?rya (c. 100 A.D.), a Digmbara work.

A Jain adheres to the basic laws of morality in his or her life, in spite of changing circumstances. Jains are strict in their observance of the discipline of Vinaya, especially the ?r?vakas and ?rav?kas. The Sr?vak?c?ra deals with moral discipline with respect to the monastic members who are regarded as ideal personalities among the Jains.

With the aim of achieving social equity, the Jains stress Samatva-yoga. Unless there be mental equanimity and tranquility in the individual's mind, no social change can be realized. The elasticity of the samatva-yoga allied with various facets of Jain thought like dhy?na-v?da, anek?ntav?da, karmav?da and ?tmav?da was extended to all humankind in the past and is relevant in the world today. For the global consciousness of holistic living, a total education and transformation of consciousness is the sine qua non for a sane and meaningful human life. The Jain thinkers devised programs of self-development through personal restraint and altruistic service by right action and conduct.

In the course of time the Jain cultural model melded with the integrated model of Tantric practice. The mantra-ritual among the Jains took a new turn in subsequent days when the worship of deities was introduced owing to pressure from both Vedic and Tantric cultures. As a result the Jain icons and architecture enriched the Indian aesthetic arts through the centuries.

TANTRA

Besides the above models which promoted the growth of civic awareness among different communities in Bharatavarsa, an integrated Tantric cultural model was generated indigenously among several communities. This gave preference to each and every individual with no distinction of sex, age, clan or caste. The contributors of this model came from all walks of life and were engaged in multiple job patterns which had prevailed in Bharatavarsa since olden times.

The Tantric model, with its specified nomenclature, appeared after the Christian era. Tantra was not begun by an eminent personality like ??kya putra Gautama or Katritya Mahav?ra, the Jina of Vaisali. Both the Vedic the Tantric models developed by drawing on groups as the ?avara, N?ga, Rakasa, Pi?aca, Yaka, Kinnara, and many others now lost.

With the passage of time, the Vedic model could not cope with the social needs of people from all walks of life. The learned group led by upper caste Brahmans used to direct the social life of other lower caste strata like the Katriya, Vaisya and S?dra. Moreover, pluralism in casteism formed into innumerable sub-castes of ascending and descending groups of touchability and untouchability, eligibility and non-eligibility. Moreover, the various peoples like Sakas, Pratiharas, Hunas, Yavanas who had entered Bharatavarsa each brought to the Vedic model their special characteristics. The Vedicists thus adjusted to them by using the wide adaptability of lok?c?ra, de??c?ra and kul?c?ra.

As mentioned above, the Tantric, being an integrated model, became a social force against the orthodoxy of a section of Vedicists who favored the superiority of Brahmana with discrimination between high and lowborn. However, moderate Vedicists, led by Saunaka g Vidh?na and others, reached out to the Tantric fold by vedicizing the Tantra.

Against the passive encounter of the moderate Vedicists, the advocates of Tantric culture entered the inner chamber (garbhagha) of the elite Vedicists who used to despise the Tantricisits as lowborn, outcaste, or ca?la. In the course of time, the Sm?rta lawmakers of Vedic society distinguished the potential efficiency of male and female with a psycho-somatic inferiority of the latter. The lowborn, despised women gained a higher position through various curative measures and occult practices (Sakarma adhic?ra) of the ritualistic Tantra (kriyatantra). In spite of multiple indigenous rituals and formulae belonging to various ethnic groups outside the Vedic fold, Tantra was regarded as a separate socio-cultural model for the Vedicistis, Buddhists and Jains.

The Tantra determines the cause and effect relationship of each psychic sensation with its physical reaction and the reciprocal effects between the mind and each physical movement, whether automatic or reflexive. The interdependence of the body and the mind is manifest in speech. The Yoga enunciated by Patanjali, being allied with the S??khya (the knowledge about the body and mind), opened a new horizon in Vedic culture. Applied Yoga was restricted within a group of practitioners who had less occasion to disseminate their experiences. While the Sm?rth teachers held the reins of Vedic society, experimentation on psycho-somatic actions and reactions had less scope of expression. The followers of Tantra took the advantage to extend their esoteric experimentations with reference to body, mind and speech. The Tantra ensured the stimulation of the neurons by the warmth of psychic exercise with particular physical gesticulation or posture according to Yoga practice.

However, the Vedicization of Tantra made a drastic change in the socio-culture spectrum of Bharatabarsa. The Tantra entered into a new chapter when five stipulated Vedic deities (S?nya, Gaapati the elephant headed deity, ?iva, S?kti the mother goddess and Visnu) were recognized in the fold. The liberal approach of the Tantric model faced a setback when the oral tradition was codified in writing.

The social awareness of the individual involved in the ritualistic formulae of the Tantra leaves wide scope for civic awareness with strict moral discipline. Occasionally, Tantra is alleged to be sexual, secret, etc., but that is not so. The Tantra model imposes strict discipline and celibacy in order to achieve control over nature.

In a Tantra community, all women are regarded as ?akti, manifestations of the Functional Mother Energy, and all male members as ?iva, manifestations of the Potential Energy. Both refuse cruel and ugly deeds. One should refrain from evil conduct which leads one?s mind towards degradation when the ego of a person rules, it leads to passion, pride, anger, jealousy and delusion, which become painful. The Tantra thus lays emphasis on curbing egoistic I-ness by serving the good of others, as far as practicable.

In the civic context, the Tantric model was more effective as it faced no social gradation or political authority interfaced. The normal relationship among family members was not hampered, in case one or two members adhered to the Tantra. Moreover, the Tantra implemented its ritualistic formulae in daily life so extensively that no confrontation could arise. As a result, toleration of other elements was practiced from both sides, whether Tantric or Vedic.

Buddhists and Jains could not forgo the above-mentioned esoteric experience in cultivating the body, mind and speech simultaneously. Neither Buddhists nor Jains had any caste barriers; eligibility was not restricted for either male or female, nor for lowborn or highborn. Consequently, Tantra added greater socio-spiritual engagement by all sections of the society. Social order and mutual responsibility were readily ensured among persons involved in the particular lineage of the Tantra.

Moral conduct tends to promote the following qualities: piety, self-restraint, politeness, freedom from pride, self-sacrifice for other beings, truthfulness, non-attachment to alluring objects, greed for other's wealth and observance of rules of conduct.

In some rituals of the ?akta and the ?aiva, a restricted use of alcohol was permitted with a strict warning against its abuse. It was similar with the use of sex with all possible restraint, in order to experience the mental states. This affected the social life of the individual and society, as any branch of immoral conduct in respect of a person involved in Tantra practice tends to his or her downfall. Thus, Tantric practice becomes restricted to those who are capable, and had greater impact on society since the Christian era.

In the maintenance of social reliability and orderliness, Tantra holds immense value for socio-economic development and cultural co-ordination among all sections of people, with no discrimination of sex, age, clan and caste.

CONCLUSION

In the cultures of the multi-ethnic peoples of India, the above four models have played an important role in promoting a spirit of individual tolerance with social flexibility. Some instances of strong conflict among the followers of the above four cultural groups may be cited in history. Despite that, each model holds merits and demerits in social life. The spirit of social flexibility always had welcomed change and accepted transformation in time and space.

Civic awareness among the peoples of Bharatavarsa occasionally faced setbacks and such a state of affairs was also reflected by the term ?paddharma as a state of emergence or perilous situation. The political upheavals up to the 11th century in Bharatavarsa made no drastic transformation of the cultural model.

However, Islamic culture, modelled on a forcible tendency to bring uniformity at the socio-cultural level had not always been acceptable to the inhabitants of Bharatvarsa. This dichotomy has persisted since 1200 A.D. Again, the Christian cultural model, with all its purity, could not attract the inhabitants in spite of its humanitarian services against illiteracy and backwardness. In contrast, the above four models for raising civic awareness are benign but not intolerant, divergent but integrative and flexible.