GLOBALIZATION
AND ITALIAN CULTURE
ROBERT
ROYAL
Religion,
like other large-scale human structures, is one of those things that our
postmodern condition is supposed to have made problematic. Identification with
a particular spiritual tradition, like identification with a state, a locale,
and other historic markers of identity, has been put under a great deal of
pressure by various factors in a globalizing world. We have far more knowledge
of a wide array of belief systems and ways of practicing religion than in the
past. This is not only through electronic media, but through daily contact
with people of other faiths in the workplace and on the street in our various
pluralist societies. At the same time, adherence to formal institutions of all
kinds B churches, synagogues, mosques, and temples B is assumed by most
analysts to be weakening, and there is some evidence in certain parts of the
world that this is true.
But
I want to begin these reflections from a different perspective: the very
forces that have given rise to the assaults on simple identity, be they
postmodern or globalizing, have inevitably produced a counter-reaction. Human
beings are by nature religious and will remain so, with religion serving as
one of the counterweights to the vast impersonal forces of the postmodern,
globalized world. The phenomenon of what is often referred to as
Fundamentalism in various world religions is partly the result of threats to
human identity. It is wrongly regarded, by grouping them all together, as a
refusal to deal with modern problems. Some fundamentalisms are a flight from
the world. But the turn to religion is one way human beings seek to anchor
themselves in the very midst of modernity. Much of it is better thought of as
a product of our situation, rather than a flight from it. I believe that the
same is true of our identification with a territorial state, with local
communities, with families, and with other deep sources of the self. These
identifications will become more valued, not less so, as globalization
proceeds.
ITALIAN
CULTURAL IDENTITY AND INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE
On
the religious challenge of a globalizing world for Italian cultural identity I
have few firm opinions, primarily because it is so difficult to form a clear
idea of contemporary religion or of Italian Culture in the abstract. Religion
means many things globally; very few religions fit exactly the model people
coming from Christian, Jewish, or Islamic points of view might expect.
Hinduism, perhaps, presents a rough analogy to our traditions, but much of
Buddhism can only be called atheistic. Tribal religions may or may not have
the kind of overarching cosmic framework we think of as central to religion.
Confucianism or Zen could be classified as philosophies, rather than
religions. Scholars of religions have difficulties sorting these things out.
But for functional or descriptive purposes, we might think of religion as the
human beliefs that offer us the deepest and broadest systems of meaning. That
is why Marxism or modern Western liberalism can serve as a sort of religion
for some people.
Similarly,
I find it hard to know exactly what Italian culture means globally. One thing
we can say as a kind of first approximation to the subject is that Italy has
never been B from the time of the Roman Empire to our own day B a very
theoretical society. The collapse of a strict Enlightenment rationality in
postmodernity does not disturb Italian culture as much as it might others,
because Italians never relied as much on that form of rationality for their
social or religious lives. So Italy is well placed to maintain its cultural
traditions, however we might define those, in our globalizing world.
Globalization,
it is worth recalling, did not begin in the last few decades with the
invention of jet travel, satellite communications, or the Internet. It began
in 1492 when a visionary Genoese navigator sailed from Europe and set us all
on the course of knowing that we live in one world. Prior to Columbus, people
spoke in the abstract about the globe and its peoples; Columbus made the
growing experience of that unity a reality. And as I have argued in my book 1492
and All That, it is not true to say that this early form of globalization
was merely the beginning of Western imperialism or the economic exploitation
of the world by Europe.
Columbus
did seek material rewards; they were the only way he could justify his
enterprise of the Indies to those who would have to invest in it. He also
sought compensation so that he and his family could live after his days as an
explorer ended. But to limit our analysis to these factors is to overlook the
very real role that the navigator’s faith and courage played in his epic
discoveries. I am convinced that he saw his voyages as one of the ways to
preach the Gospel to all nations and arrive at the end times when Christ would
return. But the cynical view also fails to appreciate the way that Europe was
interested in other parts of the world as no other culture then or since. It
is no accident that the early missionaries undertook the first studies that
led to the later development of anthropology, ethnology, comparative religion,
and so forth. At least for the West, economics, religion, and cultural
curiosity were present at the start of global integration. We would be wrong
to neglect any of them today.
Any
analysis of the prospects of Italian culture in the religiously globalized
world must, I believe, operate simultaneously
on two levels. First, there is the level of what continental Europeans,
following Habermas, usually call the life world. In more Anglo-Saxon regions,
we usually speak of these as the structures of everyday life. I find the
expression better because it is less tied to philosophical echoes from German
idealism and other traditions of thought that may distract us from the reality
itself. In this mode of analysis,
the habits of ordinary people B their cuisine, family affections, local social
relations, economic activities, and religious practices B are examined as
constituting the true texture of life in any age. In every one of these
categories, Italy has been and remains a source of attraction for many around
the world. In North America, Italian restaurants are by far the most popular;
Italian families B Mafia aside, and sometimes the Mafia as well B are admired
as offering the kind of warmth people from other backgrounds would like to
find in their own families; and Italy’s long ability to produce beautiful
environments while offering social and economic opportunities is a kind of
model to architects and municipal planners. We also see, not least in American
films, a fascination with the kind of Catholic parish that is common in Italy
and not uncommon here, with its wealth of statues and artwork celebrating
local saints and particular religious figures. All this interest, I think,
reflects a certain thinness in our Anglo-Saxon heritage: we admire and are
grateful to the British for their economic and political sanity. But no one
turns to Britain for the thick and rich practices of a good life.
There
is, of course, a second level of cultural analysis that must be added to this
picture and brought into its proper relation with the first. This level
involves large-scale public institutions of politics, economics, and
education. Here, too, there are admirable Italian traits that are less
well-known or even entirely neglected. Americans are suspicious about
governmental powers and believe others, especially Europeans, should be so as
well. Our suspicions do not deny government’s proper role, but show our
belief that liberty requires constant vigilance against potential tyranny.
That is one place where Americans and Italians are largely in agreement.
What
I think needs further elaboration in the Italian case, however, is how the two
levels B the culture of everyday life and the culture of public institutions B
work together sometimes with happy results. I always think of Italian behavior
towards Jews during the Second World War as the best example of this.
Italy’s behavior was not perfect; some Italian Jews fell afoul of the
virulent anti-Semitism and absurd racial theories promoted by the Nazis. And
the wildly exaggerated criticism of Pius XII’s alleged “silence” during
the persecution of the Jews B though mistaken B points to some failings that
should not be overlooked. But I think Italy’s relatively good behavior B or
perhaps I should say the good behavior of many Italians B says a great deal
about the way that the everyday level of Italian culture with its welcoming
and tolerant ways, and the large public level, co-operated in producing
something good. France certainly did not show the same cultural virtues.
Italians may be reluctant to speak about this part of their past, but as an
American, I have no such reluctance and say it deserves proper recognition.
It
deserves recognition for itself, but also because it tells us some things
about religious factors in an age of globalization. We cannot deny that
Italian Catholicism played a positive role in that behavior at a very
difficult time. And that contribution is an important datum for our own time
when the events since September 11 and the continuing turmoil in the Middle
East make it appear to some that religion is always a force for conflict. Like
any other human thing, religion can be and often has been a bone of
contention. But human beings are by nature religious. The much discussed
secularization of societies as they modernize has not proved itself to be
empirically true. In Europe, perhaps, there has been a falloff in
participation in religious institutions. But spirituality and religiosity of a
kind have continued even there, according to social surveys. So unless we
intend to relegate religion to a wholly private realm B something both
impossible and unjust B we have to find some way to sort out the good from the
bad kinds of public religious influence in our globalized world
I
think the Italian experience has much to teach here. To begin with, the
Catholic Church as an institution operates on what can only be called an old
Roman model. The central papal authority in union with subsidiary local
dioceses is essentially an administrative feature of the late Roman Empire,
its own way of acknowledging Globus et locus. Dissenting Catholics in
America often say they are “Catholic, not Roman,” meaning they want to do
what they want to do B mostly in sexual matters B
without papal interference. Italy’s history, of course, reflects some
of the difficulties when the Church and the State are too close, producing
anti-clericalism at times even among Catholics. But whether these complaints
are justified or not, they overlook the remarkable achievements of the
multiplicity within unity that the Church has offered. Just think back to the
ways throughout history that popes and bishops have resisted improper exercises
of power by the state, or how the Church as an outside authority helped
Solidarity in Communist Poland and continues to defend persecuted Catholics in
a place like China today. You may believe that the whole institutional
framework is clumsy, but what large-scale human structure is not? And we
should not undervalue the institution’s proven durability. As the American
poet Ezra Pound once said, any institution that could survive “the
picturesqueness of the Borgias has a certain native resilience.”
Say what you will about the Roman Empire or the Roman Catholic Church;
the old Romans of both kinds know how to govern.
ISLAM AND
THE DIALOGUE OF CIVILIZATION
And
there are advantages to the right kind of centralizing structures. The
American Islamist Bernard Lewis has argued in his recent book What Went
Wrong?: Western Impact and Middle Eastern Response that one of the reasons
we Westerners find dealing with Islam frustrating is that it has no clerical
hierarchy. As we have seen, even terrorist actions that seem far outside the
central Islamic traditions may be condemned by one scholar, praised by
another, with no way of resolving the question. The Conference of Islamic
Nations meeting in Kuala Lumpur, precisely because it represents the usual
Muslim confusion of Mosque and state, had different in agreeing that blowing
up women and children in Israel is simply wrong, as the best Muslim tradition
clearly believes. There is too much emphasis on the political context, too
little pure religious reflection backed up by religious authority.
I
have deliberately singled out this feature of Islam because I think it cuts
across the grain of some lazy analysis in the West. Many journalists and
politicians believe that the Muslim world needs to separate itself from
religious authority, to undergo a Reformation and Enlightenment on the Western
model. In a sense, it has had its Reformation, which like the Christian
Reformation introduced greater puritanical furor into the Middle Eastern mix.
This was called Wahhabism, which began in Saudi Arabia in the nineteenth
century. Its growth in the Middle East and support by Saudi Arabia, not least
here in the United States, has produced no little potential trouble for the
future.
In a similar vein, Western hopes for an Islamic Enlightenment fail to
come to grips with the specific nature of Islam. The kind of Enlightenment
that occurred in the West would be thought of as simple unfaithfulness in the
East. Furthermore, this overlooks the very real limits of the Enlightenment,
for all its benefits, even in the West. This lies at the heart of the
postmodern turn. It may be possible for some sort of internal evolution to
occur in Muslim societies that will make them peaceful and respectable
partners in a global dialogue. But we should not deceive ourselves: if that
evolution comes, it will have a Muslim character; it will not be likely to
resemble anything in Western history.
Since
September 11, we have heard a great deal again about the clash of
civilizations. Samuel Huntington’s thesis in the book by that name had
fallen by the wayside somewhat prior to the terrorist attacks.
You will recall that Huntington argues that the large cultural
formations of the world, which he rightly sees as stemming from the cultus,
the religious traditions, are permanent features of the world that may lead to
conflict. The reason that End of History has not come, said Huntington, is
because the secularization thesis has proven false. Indeed, the American
sociologist of religion Peter Berger has spoken of a coming
“Desecularization of the World” as peoples exposed to the impersonal
forces of modernity and globalization seek a firmer identity in their own
deepest traditions.
We
may argue over the details or consequences of Huntington’s thesis,
particularly whether cultural differences automatically lead to serious
conflicts. For instance, I often notice as a person who lives in a primarily
Anglo-Saxon culture, but has spent a fair amount of time on the European
continent, that there is a wide gap between the pragmatic approaches of
England and North America and the more theoretical modes of thought of the
continent. There is a kind of schizophrenia within the European tradition
itself that leads to different ways of behaving. There was a time when such
differences loomed large; and they persist. But would any of us say today that
they must inevitably lead to conflict?
The
same might be argued about conditions across cultural traditions. China, for
example, is a large country that will play an ever larger role in world
affairs. Its form of Marxism presents a problem, but perhaps also some
opportunities. If one reads Chairman Mao’s Little Red Book it is
astonishing how much Marx may be made to speak like Confucius. And the basic
Confucian and Chinese talent for commerce has made even its Marxist rulers
look upon market economics in a far different way than the old Soviets or tercermundistas.
So we do have differences of a very deep nature. But much depends on
the quality of the religious or philosophical tradition that we find ourselves
engaging. And much depends on our own ability to draw on the fullest and
deepest levels of our own religious tradition to respond with openness and a
spirit of co-operation to other cultures.
For
the foreseeable future, Christian/Islamic relations will be a sore point. We
in the West have no necessary conflict with Islam. In Bernard Lewis’
reading, even Muslims themselves are divided between those who think that the
current turmoil in their countries is the result of their own failures, and
those who think that someone outside has harmed them. Any dialogue between the
Christian West and the Muslim East will first need to settle some thorny
practical problems such as the Palestinian/Israeli conflict. But even if we
could reach a tolerable political and economic settlement, we will still have
to engage in a cultural dialogue that will engage the more basic problem of
religious difference, and not only in Islamic countries, but in places such as
India. There Hindu Fundamentalism has arisen in response to the same
forces of globalization that have inflamed many other parts of the world. It
has led to violence that never existed in India’s generally tolerant
history, against Christians and other Westerners.
The
Catholic Church has many resources for such a dialogue of civilizations. As
another sociologist of religion, Ernst Troeltsch, once observed, we have two
main forms of religion in the West: the Church and the sect. The Church model,
of which the Catholic Church is the pre-eminent representative, sees as part
of its responsibility to be engaged with all dimensions of society. That is
why the Church developed its just war teaching and why modern Catholic social
thought has elaborated notions like subsidiarity and solidarity.
The sect, by contrast, flees contact with the world. We have many such
sects in the United States, groups that basically believe it is a corruption
of the pristine purity of the religious body to soil itself with the affairs
of the world. Each model has its advantages and drawbacks. But for those of us
who believe that Christianity has and needs to have a role in the important
work that faces us in the modern world, it is a great advantage to possess a
tradition that has accumulated rich conceptual tools and flexible practices
from its long engagement with several civilizations.
What do we most need from our religious traditions in our time of
globalization B globalization of linkages and globalization of conflict? I
would suggest that we need something that could be called the spirit of Dante.
Dante is, of course, one of the greatest figures in Western civilization and
therefore represents many things. But the thing that we might best learn from
him, and that a properly ambitious Italian culture might offer to the world,
is a drive to respect everything B theology, mysticism, philosophy, poetry,
science, history, geography, and politics B in a single civilizing vision.
That spirit need not be identified with a crushing drive for mastery or
hegemony, as it often is in the modern world. The individuals Dante describes
in the Commedia have vigorous lives, precisely because they are allowed
to be themselves in their fulness, but are also viewed against a larger
background.
Any
attempt at such a universalism today, of course, is very ambitious and cannot
be carried out by a single individual or a small group. It would take a fairly
large number of people all striving to work along similar lines to weave the
many loose strands of modern civilization into a substantial fabric. We are
all quite aware of the many obstacles, including simple, practical ones, to
this pursuit. Even one small area of science exceeds the capacity of
individual scientists themselves to know thoroughly. But our awareness of the
complexity and extension of modern knowledge need not hamstring us. We need to
know how much detail we need for purposes of cultural integration, and how
much we can leave aside as important but less central detail.
Let me say as a Catholic and deep admirer of Italian culture that, for all these reasons, I hope the next pope will be another non-Italian. One of the problems internal to Catholicism that has to be frankly faced was the unfortunate perception since the Counter-Reformation that the Church was closed in on its own backward-looking culture. The creative energies of the High Middle Ages and the Renaissance had evaporated, and nothing in the Church seemed capable of galvanizing a new, forward-looking approach to culture. The European culture that had formerly been internal to the Church and produced the great philosophy, poetry, art, and music that is so much a part of the Italian patrimony, had to develop outside the Church for many reasons too complicated to trace here. Suffice to say, though, that the confident criticism of a figure like Voltaire B that the Church’s anti-intellectualism and corruption would soon lead to her demise B proved absolutely wrong. The papacy since Leo XIII has been a vibrant element in European and world culture. And under John Paul II the Church is perhaps the most respected moral authority in the world.
That
authority derives in no small part from the Polish Pope’s capacity to
present the rich Catholic tradition in terms relevant to the future of the
world. If Voltaire were alive today, for instance, he would be shocked to find
that the postmodern secular culture of Europe had all but abandoned its once
robust faith in reason. And that the Pope in Rome had become one of the most
vigorous advocates of a more confident and more ambitious reason that seeks
truth not only in the everyday framework of the world, but in every sector of
reality open to human knowledge, including the knowledge of the divine.
Voltaire might also be shocked that the Church was the great defender of human
life. The wide acceptance of abortion and growing acquiescence in euthanasia
and assisted suicide are an ideological narrowness stemming from the more
fundamental belief in the radical autonomy of individuals which needs to be
countered by a more humane vision. We have reached the point where countries
are regarded as relatively less free or actual offenders against human rights
because they do not allow abortion. Countering this long slide into individual
autonomy is difficult and requires a certain cultural position. I do not think
that an Italian pope could be as effective at this moment in history in making
the world aware of the Church’s universalism in the face of this
sectarianism. Situations change rapidly, and the right Italian perhaps could
do so. But paradoxically, at least for the moment, the great riches of
Catholic culture, a large percentage of which are Italian, may have greater
influence in the world if they are advanced by a non-Italian.
Speaking
as an American from an American perspective, I might even go so far as to say
that it might be best if a non-European were to become the next pope. I do not
say this from sentimental or politically correct motives. Both Europe and the
United States, in my opinion, would benefit from some fresh currents of
thought on the two central principles of Catholic social thought: solidarity
and subsidiarity. These concepts have obvious affinities with the twin drive
towards globalization and localism in the world as a whole. But Europe and
America have some limited perspectives on these two processes. Subsidiarity as
it is currently practiced in the European Union does not seem to me to be
adequate to protecting the concrete needs of local communities. On the
contrary, it’s very idea of subsidizing the local has allowed larger
national and international bodies to be involved in a variety of strictly
local decisions.
In
the United States, a similar process has been underway for some time. Its
Constitution was carefully calibrated by the Founding Fathers to give only
specific “enumerated powers” to the national government. States rights B
and by states Americans mean the regional entities such as New York,
Pennsylvania, Maryland, or Virginia B were regarded as important checks on the
excessive power of the federal government. After the Civil War, the term
states’ rights was used by some states in the South to resist changes
demanded by the North in the civil rights of Americans of African descent.
That unfortunate element in American history made it possible to erode and, in
some instances, almost eliminate the earlier, very robust notion of local
control over local affairs. Recent U. S. Supreme Court decisions have tended
to restore greater power among the states. But this trend, in my view, has not
yet gone nearly far enough, and a change in the members of the court could
easily return us to a more centralized government far from the classical
spirit of the American Founders.
So
both Europeans and Americans need to rethink the idea of subsidiarity in the
light of the centralizing tendencies of the European Union and the U.S.
government. For that purpose, we need input from the deeper sources of our own
traditions and from other cultural currents. And we are about to get them. In
a few decades, the Americas and Africa will each have more Christians than
does Europe. Asia will still have fewer, but not for long. So as Europe
becomes the third or fourth Christian continent in terms of size, it will have
to introduce the new Christians to the fulness of Christian culture and
principles, as well as welcome their input as to their concrete embodiment in
the world.
Take
the notion of solidarity. In Sollecitudo rei socialis, John Paul II
spoke for the first time of solidarity as a virtue. He emphasizes that
individual element because too often solidarity has been thought of as a set
of policy mechanisms for helping the poor, the marginalized, and the victims
of natural or man-made disasters. Solidarity must find expression in public
policies, but we know that those very policies may sometimes have perverse
effects. In Centesimus Annus, the Pope rightly points to the ways that
social assistance, culminating in the social assistance state, may actually
discourage the very individual initiative and enterprise they are intended to
foster. These cautions have applications both at national and international
levels. The way to be sure that we have good global input is to pay attention
to local Christian churches. The Catholic Church, for example, not only runs
an administrative structure of dioceses and parishes around the world.
Catholic Relief Services offer the most extensive, permanent social assistance
of any institution. The Church’s minute knowledge of local conditions and
its global capacity to transmit that knowledge to governments and
international institutions is a unique resource in the global age.
One
final notion from the tradition of Catholic Social Thought is the common good.
There is no good definition of this notion in papal documents or even in the
work of social theorists, yet it is indispensable. The Catechism of the
Catholic Church says (no. 1924) that the common good is “the sum total of
social conditions which allow people, either as groups or individuals, to reach
their perfection more fully and easily.” The perfection spoken of here has
both spiritual and social dimensions, which may be distinguished in theory but
in practice are closely related. Both American and Italian culture, at their
best, have recognized that the virtues of the people contribute not only to
individual well-being, but to social benefits as well. All societies that
originate in European culture have tended in recent decades to overlook the
importance of popular virtue. We have focused far more on economic, political,
and military policies as constitutive of the common good. But it is impossible
to conceive how our institutions will flourish without the proper formation of
our peoples; and that formation is far more a product of family, church, and
education than it is of public institutions.
Another
factor that threatens Europe and America even more than these questions is the
demographic collapse of advanced societies. Thus far, the United States has
continued to maintain its population, and even to grow slightly, primarily
because of immigration. Our immigrants come mostly from Asia and Latin America,
and despite the problems brought by any large wave of immigration, they
contribute a great deal and are assimilated into American culture reasonably
well. How long this will continue to work B especially given the decline and
corruption of indigenous American cultural forces B remains to be seen. But
those in America who care about Europe cannot help but be alarmed at the
European birth rate. This, of course, is a complex question that deserves much
attention. But I would simply point out that the Church’s worries about the
consequences of birth control B worries that were and are shared by other
Christian churches B may here show its practical value. No one wants to return
to a time of too many children for families to support. The Church accepts the
spacing of births by morally licit means. But it is a profound question that
deserves a searching answer whether a contraceptive mentality has not made
Europeans and Americans less generous, less welcoming of life than they once
were. Economic factors are insufficient to explain this phenomenon. We are
wealthier now than at any time in our past; yet we find it difficult to welcome
children. Italy and the United States once had a very different view of
children, families, and the virtues they foster. We need to find some way to
return to our better cultural traditions and attitudes.
In
conclusion, let me quote the words of an always wise Italian, Luigi Barzini. At
the beginning of his book The Europeans he notes something that no one
else B European or American B ever noticed in the American Constitution. The
very first sentence of that remarkable document announces that the people of the
United States are seeking to form “a more perfect union.” Barzini comments
that Americans “by their nature, have never been satisfied with mere
perfection.” This has led to some
of the great achievements as well as several great follies on the part of the
United States, Barzini counsels that Europe itself, as it sought to pass from a
bickering group of historic nations to union would do well to adopt this goal
“immediately, today, tomorrow at the latest, without wasting one more hour, or
waiting for one more windy and inconclusive meeting of experts.”
European
unity now exists. America and Europe now share the leadership of an equally
rapid growth in world integration. The Catholic Church, an institution that has
had global reach since the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries is itself well
situated for what the current Holy Father has often referred to as “the new
springtime of the Church.” The dominance of all three of these entities, which
have their roots in Europe, does not mean that we need to impose our own values
on other regions and religions. It would be not only wrong, but imprudent to do
so. Historical processes have a pace of their own. Italian religion and culture
more generally have had what are perhaps the most easygoing ways of all the
European nations without losing the essential creative element that is the
hallmark of a living civilization. Its contribution to a more perfect global
union could become a model for what the West needs in order to engage in a
productive dialogue with the rest of the world.