Conclusions

 

 

Knowing Romania under the social, political and cultural aspect is useful and critical. It is useful for Romania is a state with an amazing cultural richness, situated at the crossroads of many cultures; it is critical for scholarly research often has been based on political interests, either in defense or in disapproval. The present volume – which is not a monograph – explains the past through the plurality of its cultures, analyzes the present political situation through the perspective of the events that provoked the collapse of the 1989 dictatorship. Comparatively it discusses the education process through an intercultural perspective. The studies cover the problematization and understanding of the Romanian phenomena during different periods in the 20th century.

            What is new in the present volume? The study concerning the Jewish question presented the tendencies existing in the political context of the transition from the Austro-Hungarian Empire to the Romanian nation-state. Among these tendencies were: 1. The wish of the Banatian and Transylvanian Jews to become a minority culture in the new country; 2. The formulation of their aspirations concerning their own state identity through the Zionist movement; 3. The integration and assimilation into the Romanian society and culture. The Jews of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire represented a cosmopolitan group. Their history had been reconsidered after World War I, depending on the cultural and political values of the nations and states in the midst of which they happened to live. The controversies arising under that circumstance explain both the peculiarities of the Jewish milieu and the way in which the Romanian authorities perceived the issue of integration of both the socio-cultural and communitarian-religious values of a different group into its national policy.

            The attention I have focused on the regions of Banat and Transylvania can be useful in covering the complex politics of recognition in contemporary Romania. For example, clarification of civic culture with regard to multicultural education and interculturality allows for insight into the causes that made possible of the revolt against the nationalist-communist dictatorship in Timişoara – the most cosmopolitan city of the country. The opposition practiced by the cultural-linguistically minorities, such as the Hungarian and the German, had a quite strong domestic and international impact. The towns in the above-mentioned provinces played a decisive role in ensuring an atmosphere contrary to the totalitarian political system.

The clarification of the multiple character of the Romanian world seems all the more necessary as a large number of studies dedicated to Romanian history and culture directly or indirectly took up positions in the favor either of the majority or of the minorities. Usually, such a way to moot a question does not help in forming a coherent picture of the problems that have confronted this country as a whole. And, because the disputes are highlighted through employing a relatively different set of cultural values (visible in the Romanian-Hungarian case in particular), I have considered that the issue of education should play an important role in the articulation of the contemporary social programs. This is why, the study about civic education in an intercultural perspective, focused on the contemporary educational system, for the school is an institution whose reformation could contribute to the modeling of democratically oriented mentalities.

            I should highlight in the conclusions of this volume the outcomes of the study about the popular revolt of 1989. If the provocation of changes in ideological respect had the most active and pragmatic advocates among the reformist-communists, the Army and the Securitate became supporters of the demonstrators. The study of the political events at the end of 1989 highlighted that the position of the Army in the confrontations was extremely decisive. Why so? Because almost always the success and the failure of a revolt against a political regime depend upon the Army’s position. In December 1989, a part of the senior military officers of the Romanian Army did not remain loyal to Ceauşescu; this fact contributed decisively to the political transformation.

            In order to see more exactly the mixture of contradicting facts, I availed myself also of another explanation, namely that the interdiction of the freedom of speech before 1989 made impossible both the coagulation of authentic dissidence and the formation of an authentic intelligentsia, which peacefully could take over power from the communist party. Under the circumstances, when everything was at stake for the former political class, the set-up of changes inclusively, only an effort of imaginative empathy could lead us to use the term of ‘revolution’ to name the events of ’89 Romania. This is why they were defined in terms of ‘popular revolt joined by a coup d’etat’ and why one study and also my book is entitled Between Words and Reality. The Romanian citizens’ protest, accusations and complaints indicate either a poor understanding of what happened or, at least an emotional response. Since only the legends include emotional components, I considered that the recent history of Romania has to depend on the above-mentioned rational arguments. An honest effort to extend the frontiers of knowledge is possible as soon as one focuses on understanding the facts.

            Between Words and Reality is a volume of studies that aspires to changes in the discourse regarding history, religion, and polics in Romania. The critical survey of the cultural values – as proposed in this book – could provoke academic approaches useful in the redefinition of the nation idea in East-Central Europe. This is the more so as the cultural-political concepts of the 19th century on the strength of which the state entities of the region continue to contrast themselves one against the other are completely obsolete. This fact does not require comment, if we admit that the recent tragedies in former Yugoslavia had as a starting point the ethno-cultural differentiation of Romantic origin.