The notion of a "private sphere" in opposition to that of "public sphere" does not appear adequate for political life, which is related to political power: how it is seized, maintained and exercised. By definition, then, the political life is a sphere of public life.

In reference to the problem that concerns us, the subject character of a person or society seems the more adequate notion. At present in Poland general discussions are taking place on how to make Polish society the subject of social and political life. These emerge from the fact that for over forty years we lived in a system that made it impossible for both individual citizens and the whole society to function as anything more than mere "objects." The system with which we parted at the end of the 80s has always negated the subject character of the society, for power, which was seized by one party, soon extended over all spheres of social, cultural, political and economic life.

The ruling communist party justified its omnipotence and overwhelming domination in part on ideological grounds, namely, as the true representative of the working class identified with the nation. Thus, it excluded any kind of opposition which, in such circumstances, would be perceived only as "the enemy of the nation." The monopoly of the ruling class and its omnipotence was explained also on political grounds, namely, as the "right" political choice made by the Polish radical left at the end of World War II. This was an option in favor of socialism in the Stalinist version, which choice was supposed to legitimatize the group in power. As late as the early '80s it was still maintained that only this political force was able to guarantee Polish independence in the conditions of subjection to the U.S.S.R., as no other force was trusted by the Soviets. This approach was supposed to harmonize with a specific image of the Soviet self-security as seen from Warsaw.

The deterioration of the economy which resulted in intensified social dissatisfaction, as well as the influence of Solidarity which in the early `80s was an emancipating political movement, and, last but not least, the changes that took place in communist states, particularly the Soviet Union and Hungary, so affected the monopoly of the communist party that the totalitarian system began to break. This phenomenon was most explicit during the Xth plenum of the Central Committee of Polish United Workers' Party (PUWP) and its results. The party declared its intention to abandon its ideological, political and economic monopolies. The decisions of the conference enabled the party to rationalize the idea of, and to find grounds for, talks with the opposition, which meanwhile had become a necessity.

For some time certain clearly defined symptoms have pointed to a restoration to Polish society of its identity as a subject. The most spectacular initiatives have been the following:

- The Constitutional Tribunal, before which the government lost a few cases;

- The Supreme Administrative Tribunal, before which an action against bureaucracy can be brought;

- The position of Ombudsman, to which a non-party person was appointed;

- First and foremost, "the roundtable talks" which, in reality, meant the acknowledgement of the opposition as a partner;

- The bill pertaining to associations: under this act both Solidarity of Workers and Solidarity of Farmers were re-legalized, numerous associations of academic youth were formed, and new political clubs of various orientations began their activity (including the clubs of Christian Democracy);

- The bill concerning economic entrepreneurship, which declared equality for all three forms of ownership of the means of production;

- The bill which regulates the relations between the State and the Church, under which the Church was granted the status of an institution in public law, as well as a number of prerogatives previously denied the Church by the system of Stalinist socialism, such as the right to run private schools, hospitals, etc.;

- Liberalization in the sphere of press and publications, with drastic limitations imposed upon censorship including a bill for its total abolition;

- Democratic elections to 35 percent of the Sejm, i.e., the lower chamber of Parliament and to the entire Senate; the voting regulations agreed upon with the opposition at the "round table" enabled there to be a national plebiscite which was won so massively by Solidarity that Gen. Jaruzelski suggested that the opposition together with the so-called "government-coalition" form a grand coalition government;

- Some changes in the so-called "allied parties," the United Peasants Party and the Democratic Party, The same appears to hold true for Catholic or Christian groups in coalition with PUWP. It should not be ignored that for a long time they served as a kind of cloakroom for many people who retained a Christian orientation;

- The declaration of the creation of a multi-party system and a new constitution. The emergence of new political parties and election campaigns.

The communist party intended to transform itself into a political force participating in the system of parliamentary democracy, and party reformers intended to change it into a social-democratic party. What was at stake was no longer securing a monopoly of power, but rescuing such fundamental values as equality, social justice, the priority of labor over capital and the like, as well as certain social gains which make up the concept of the welfare state.

The process of Polish society regarding its subjective or spiritual character has been greatly influenced by the Roman Catholic Church. Her traditionally important role in the nation was maintained and even strengthened under the communist rule. Practically, communists were never the only leading force of a social and political character. When both the armed and the legal opposition were done away with after the war, the Church remained on the Polish political scene and had to be taken into account by the party in power. In this political system, the Church was always a place of refuge for those who thought differently, especially during the period of martial law, when it created a new public space as an alternative to that of the state. In addition, the mediating function of the Church, which was never questioned, should be emphasized.

The process in which Polish society is reassuming its character as a subject continues. It is manifest in the form of increasing pluralism both within the groups in power and the opposition. For example, within Solidarity there were, roughly speaking, two cooperative currents: populist and union-oriented, on the one hand, and reformist of a liberal or neo-liberal, on the other. When drastic economic reforms are carried out in the process of industrial modernization which involve a number of social problems such as unemployment, these two currents drift apart and no longer cooperate so harmoniously.

The process of the society's becoming the subject of social and political life made inevitable the formation and functioning of political parties. While once the need of the hour, there is apprehension regarding too great a number of political parties. In this respect we have a long-standing tradition from before the war, and warnings against excessive multiplication of political parties could be heard both from past authorities and Solidarity. For example, at one point Senator Dr. Adam Stanowski stated that there was no need to form a Christian-democratic party since Solidarity would have to call into existence its own party. This supposed and suggested a two-party system. Others thought Poland needs a large labor party based upon the principles of Christian ethics.

The process by which society acquires the character of a subject ever more clearly demands new forms of democracy, namely, participatory democracy, for a society derives its authentic subject character from participation in public life. In Poland, therefore, there is a great need for authentic forms of self-government in factories, institutions and local administration, i.e., elected community councils having the local property at their disposal.

As only participation can awaken responsibility effectively, it is necessary to enable citizens to participate both in social and political life, and also in economic life. Without participation it will not be possible either to overcome social-political limitations or to reconstruct the antiquated means of production. In addition, it is characteristic of participatory democracy to produce attitudes of solidarity and cooperation, rather than those of Jacobine confrontation.

Participatory democracy as a method of implementing the subject character is a process to be learned. As far back as antiquity people knew that democracy was not only a way of exercising power, but also a social virtue; it must be practiced as such.

The Catholic University of Lublin

Lublin, Poland