CHAPTER X

 

Social Identity as a Basis for

Dialogue in Society

 

JURATE MORKUNIENE

 

            Lithuania is going through a period of transition and development. The problem of social identity is the actual problem of the real life of Lithuania. Can there be political democracy, i.e., dialogue in society without guaranteeing a basic minimum level of economic well-being? In other words, can people enjoy its social identity if they do not have access to the conditions requisite for a quality of life beyond subsistence?

            The history of Lithuania is riddled with injustice, misfortune and social evils. Over the centuries, Lithuanians have been oppressed by a host of foreign invaders -- German, Russian, Polish. The territory of Lithuania has been just a "window to Europe" for Russian Tsars; it has been "Lebensraum" for the Germans in their centuries-long "Drang nach Osten.” Lithuanian people managed to preserve their national identity and their language over the last fifty years despite the ravages of World War II, including forced emigration, mass deportations, overt and covert russianization and general destruction of the very foundation of national cultural life.1 For this the nation as a whole had to pay a high price in the form of depopulation and acculturation. The loss of a great number of conscientious, educated, cultured people cannot be easily and quickly compensated.

            However, our interest is to describe the present threats to social and personal identity of the Lithuanian people collectively. For a multitude of people, the actual conditions of life have become worse. The destructiveness, social pathology, human decline contributed to an increasing loss of social identity.

            When the Soviet system collapsed, many people -- the old, the young, the sick, the less able -- found themselves unable, for one reason or another, to succeed in the new system of government. Freedom seems to have provided opportunities only for those who are more energetic and often unscrupulous. Lithuanian society is becoming increasingly unequal and polarized in terms of opportunities, incomes and living conditions. Inequality in Lithuania is progressing in a cumulative way. It means that benefits tend to accumulate for certain groups. Lithuanian rebirth is set in a framework of disaster. The high mortality rate, decline of health, educational indicators, deteriorating standard of living and growth of unemployment -- all are in the danger zone. The number of homeless people is now rising sharply, partly as a result of the policy of restitution of house ownership.

            The speed of political changes in Eastern and Central Europe is so rapid that the process of reform faces many difficulties. I do not agree with the researchers who argue that those difficulties "arise from the human mind's limited ability to accept the speed of the perceived changes,”2 or that it is an "insufficient level of mental adaptation.”3 The difficulties may be interpreted in terms of multidimensional reality. Naturally, in different countries, Lithuania among them, changes in the social identity of the people exhibit some specific features. On the one hand, the transition to a new historical epoch is similar to the abolition of slavery or the end of colonial repression. On the other hand, social and personal identity is lost under the new economic and political circumstances.

            What does people's social identity consists of? It consists of the opportunity to acquire the skills or tools, i.e., knowledge and experience, which are needed to function effectively in a society-making process. The main indicators of social identity include professionally assisted birth, a safe and secure life space, an adequate diet, accessibility of health care services, a good and practical education, political participation, an economically productive life, protection against unemployment, a dignified old age, a decent burial.4

            The social identity is mostly based on national identity, dignity, self-respect, self-esteem and responsibility of people. Social identity is expressed as knowing and, also, as the feeling of dependence on society and of responsibility to it as well as the wish to belong to it. It means that each member of the society is aware of identity (is educated); will belong to the society (he/she participates in social life); and can achieve identity (the social conditions ensure a worthy human life). I would like to present some basic facts which, I hope, will help to substantiate such an assertion. Through the interpretation of some quantitative data, we shall try to determine the main causes undermining social identity.

            The main threats to social identity in Lithuania are poverty, unemployment and increasing criminality.5 Poverty is an acute problem for the sustained social identity and social freedom. The meager salaries and pensions of most Lithuanian people make life difficult. As consumer prices and costs of services have increased, conversely, the real wages have decreased. Many people do not have enough money to buy even the essentials. In the current situation, it is difficult to understand how and from what a person and an entire family can earn a living. The living strategy of a lot families is very simple: from paycheck to paycheck, trying to survive, spending money only on the basic necessities, denying themselves even some necessities. Most families cannot afford their basic needs. A very high proportion of personal income goes towards food and nourishment. According to the Department of Statistics the subjective poverty-line in 1996 equalled 585 LTL ($146,250 USD), which was on average 1.7 times higher than the minimum subsistence level.6 Indeed, Lithuania still has no official definition of poverty lines, even though the absolute poverty line is equivalent to the minimum subsistence level (MSL).7

            As property and social differences increase, social differentiation of the population is becoming more pronounced than is acceptable for a normal society. The middle-class stratum – the basis of stability of democratic society -- is not increasing, but decreasing. The gap between the rich and the poor has widened. In 1995, the disposable income of the wealthiest 10 percent was 10 times as much as that of the poorest. Ten percent of the wealthiest households held 26.3 percent of all disposable income, while the poorest 10 percent  held 2.8 percent (Lithuanian Human Development Report, 1996, 25). Actually, polarization is much greater than the survey data show, especially in the cities, because wealthy people avoid participating in such surveys and revealing their true incomes. For example, even within the budgetary sector, judges earn ten times more than teachers.8

            These boundaries are strongly felt psychologically: the differences cause huge emotional conflicts. People remain silent even though their dissatisfaction is deep. It should be noted that the deep internal contradictions between socioeconomic and cultural capital of the same social group, also, deserve consideration. For instance, higher education jobs and even concrete occupations do not characterize either the individual or the position of his social group in the society. Thus, today the typical indicators of social status, used by Western sociology (income, education, occupation, wealth), can only partly show social differentiation in our society.

            Alongside the property differences, the contrasts in education increase as well. Problems of accessibility of education in a broad sense are very crucial. In 1996-1997, 5 percent of 7- to 15-year-old children were not registered and not attending school (approximately 18,000-24,000).9 According to an international expert-rated classification of education programs (ISCED), 25 percent of 20- to 24-year olds in Lithuania are now pursuing specialized and higher education. Not everyone wishing to obtain higher education can afford to do so.

            Another serious social problem affecting social identity is emerging: the loss of job security and the steady increase in official and unofficial unemployment. Some categories of people who lost their jobs first are: elderly women, workers with disabilities, young people and those without specialization or profession. The social stigma of unemployment is strong in society, and many people cannot overcome this psychological barrier.

            Harsh economic realities, accompanied by the uncertainties over the future and the erosion of traditional social norms, put additional strains on the individual. Disillusionment undermines people's abilities and causes apathy. People are becoming less careful with their lives and health and lack self-esteem. This lack of self-esteem can be directed towards the political system and can put the development of democracy at risk.10

            Morbidity and mortality are rising in Lithuania, while life expectancy is falling and is now lower than it has been for two decades. The current life expectancy for men is lower than it was in 1960; while the life expectancy for women is at the same level as 1985;11 (65 years for men and 76.1 years for women).12

            Mortality is increasing most sharply among young people, who die mainly from nonmedical causes such as accidents and suicide. There has been a sudden jump in suicide, indicating growing human distress. Lithuania now has one of the highest suicide rates in the world (46 suicides per 100,000 population).13 In 1995 the highest suicide indicator was among 40- to 49-year-old men. For every 100,000 residents, 135 men of this age committed suicide in urban areas; and 257 men, in rural areas. More than one-third were unemployed men, looking for work.14

            The criminalization of society and the rise in the crime rate threaten personal security. Between 1991 and 1995, for every 10,000 inhabitants, there were, on average, 150.8 criminal acts in Lithuania. At the same time, the number of murders increased by 1.9 times. Nearly one in three murder victims was an adult male. Crimes are noticeably becoming more violent and are increasingly committed by young people.15

            Economic poverty emphasizes breakdowns experienced in other areas, for example, the weakening and the breakdown of social ties, relationship difficulties, social discredit, exclusion and loss of identity. The personal and social impacts of unemployment, in their own turn, include poverty, financial hardship, debt, homelessness or overcrowding, the weakening of family ties or family dissolution, disintegration, isolation, erosion of confidence and self-esteem, atrophy of work skills, ill health. Poverty and unemployment keep individuals out of society.

            Poverty-related social exclusion is the most persistent danger to social identity and social cohesion. On the other hand, we cannot describe the poor as a category or even a social class in the real sense of these terms. But poverty manifests itself not only in malnutrition, unemployment or homelessness. The biggest threat to social identity lies in the fact that poverty does not allow people to take full advantage of their citizenship. Many people, who may not actually be starving, are nonetheless unable to lead meaningful lives within the accepted values and norms and to participate in social life. They find it difficult to develop social contacts, to travel, to study, to buy books, to visit theatres, to subscribe to the papers. Relations of scientific workers with colleagues from abroad are not easy to maintain.

            The most commonly used indicator of human developmental conditions in society is poverty. Besides the traditional, acknowledged manifestations of poverty, it can express itself in different, sometimes invisible, ways, and, thus, remain untreated and uncorrected in society. For example, social isolation and distress may be caused by changing consumption patterns: mass-media, theatres, telephone calls and friendly visits simply become unaffordable; this, at least, could account for the rising suicide rate. Phenomena of social pathology, causing suffering in the contemporary Lithuanian society, are rising because of limited opportunities of social contacts. Poverty hits the future of the nation. Statistics show that it is mostly concentrated among working-age people and young families with children. At the present time, young families often have to choose between two alternatives: either to raise a child in poverty, or else not to have one. Consequently, Lithuania's population has been steadily decreasing since 1992.

            It would be very difficult to determine the exact number of inhabitants who are severely marginalized, but judging from indirect evidence, it is possible to conclude that numbers have grown rapidly in the past 5 to 7 years. In 1996, approximately 18 percent of households had consumer expenditure below the real MSL. Many youths see a future not only of joblessness but of purposelessness: a life with little reward and no meaning. Even teaching is one of the lowest-paid professions. For example, in July 1994, a teacher's average salary was less than 300 LTL. ($75 USD) per month. Three-quarters of teachers survive only their earnings. Many teachers cannot subscribe to the necessary publications, cannot buy the latest materials or books and cannot attend concert or theatre performances. For the above reasons, the prestige of teachers in society is very low.

            The aforementioned contrasts influence people’s consciousness, make it shredded and split, even “schizoid.” Alongside the loyalty to an independent state and national ideals, we can see national and civic nihilism. The former feeling of community in the days of revival has been replaced by disunity and disagreements. The indicated abnormal social differences and dysfunction serve to weaken such vital elements of social identity as a feeling of belonging to a community and a wish to belong to it. Loss of status leads to breakdowns in socialization and sociability networks.

            Transition placed more responsibility on individuals, but disillusionment undermined people's abilities and caused apathy. It is remarkable that, in a country with a high literacy rate, sexually transmitted diseases are rapidly spreading at alarming rates among people of all education and income levels. The type of people, who have suppressed individuality, who are blind to noble values and who have no sense of civil responsibility, is multiplying. The transition period has given people a growing sense of insecurity and social isolation. Apathy, alienation, indifference, violence and brutality, growing skepticism, cynicism, fatalism and despair become the established practice. The moral disintegration, street violence, murders, etc., taking place in society, are indicative of the profound moral slump in our society. People, whose future is uncertain, become frightened; they look backwards and not forwards; they become more aggressive and are most likely to support an authoritarian rule which promises to implement rationality and justice by force.

            The part of society with a low level of self-esteem and self-respect, in fact, a low level of social identity, can unconsciously project its own negative qualities into other parts of the nation and, consequently, react aggressively against them. The excluded either are outside society, or are simply defined as nonexistent. Marginalized and excluded people may then refuse to accept the ruler and the laws of society. Instead they “act out” and accept the rules of violence. Often, violence is understood as a last resource, when words and dialogue become impossible. There are other forms of violence, found in groups which are economically excluded. For example, there are those who do not accept democratic rules for personal, group interests but resort to corruption and reject the rights of “others.”

            The novel trends of the application of philosophical theory are characterized by the transition from spontaneous creation and application of philosophy towards an organized methodology. Philosophical conceptions cannot save the world. But, according to Vaclav Havel, "we must all behave as if we could save it.”16 For instance, classical philosophy raised the question about how the personality can remain self-adequate, i.e., to be human, to preserve inner humaneness; whereas the problem of the modern social philosophy is how the personality should act in order to preserve humaneness in other people, in the world, in humankind. Each one of us must "clean" one square meter around himself or herself. We hope that all these difficulties are only the beginning of a new era.

 

Abstract

 

            The definition of social identity consists of two parts. First, it means protection against threats to a nation's existence and well-being. Second, it means the search for measures and possibilities to achieve the goals of social development and improvement. Social identity implies the creation and preservation of conditions in which each citizen can develop into an educated, creative, responsible personality.

            Today, especially for nations throughout the former Soviet Union, the chief danger to social identity lies in the adverse conditions of continued underdevelopment. It follows that nowadays identity means, first of all, the development of our nation.

            The essential condition for a small nation's identity and survival is based on people's resolution to rely upon themselves and the potential inherent within their own country. The modern strategy for ensuring social identity would principally rely on this principle: every citizen is part of the identity, i.e., each is an active agent contributing to the identity. For this reason, a strategic condition is to create equal starting possibilities, i.e., equality of opportunities for everyone.

 

Lithuanian Institute Of Philosophy And Sociology

 

 

 

NOTES

 

            1. Genocide of Lithuanian People (Vilnius, 1992), p. 48.

            2. Adam Biela, "Mental changes and Social Integration Perspective in Europe: Theoretical Framework and Research Strategies," Journal for Mental Changes, 1 (1995), 10.

            3. Ibid., p. 7.

            4. John Friedmann, "Rethinking Poverty: Empowerment and Citizen Rights," International Social Science Journal, 148 (1996), 169.

            5. Lithuanian Human Development Report, 1996 (Vilnius, 1996).

            6. Ibid., p. 102.

            7. Ibid.

            8. Ibid., p. 31.

            9. Ibid., p. 75.

            10. Ibid., p. 75.

            11. Ibid., p. 28.

            12. Ibid., p. 27.

            13. Ibid., p. 4.

            14. Ibid., p. 48.

            15. Ibid., p. 10.

            16. Vaclav Havel and Maximilian Schell, "Europe at the Fin de Siècle," Society, 32 (1995), 71.