COUNTER-HEGEMONY AND SAGE PHILOSOPHY
Daniel
Smith
Associate
Professor of Philosophy, Wuhan University, P.R. China
In this brief
introductory paper I would like to suggest that something like a globalized sage
philosophy project constitutes a necessary condition for the development of
effective counter-hegemonic philosophical practices and a relative
democratization of human development within the context of globalization.
Sage Philosophy was a project developed by the Kenyan philosopher, Henry
Odera Oruka, in order to counter the hegemony of an image of Africa as devoid of
any indigenous philosophic traditions and, as Hume, Kant, and Hegel all agreed,
devoid of any rational development prior to the coming of 'enlightened'
Europeans [Eze, E.C., ed., Postcolonial African Philosophy, Blackwell
Publishers, 1997, Introduction]. In
the African project, professional philosophers ventured beyond the walls of
their universities and conducted interviews of persons recognized to be sources
of wisdom in their local traditional communities, in order to document and learn
from a form of African philosophy that had been ignored in the process of
colonialization. I believe a
similar project is necessary in response to the hegemonic nature and
consequences of globalization as it is unfolding today.
In order to introduce the general philosophic orientation of what a
global counter-hegemonic project might entail I would like to briefly bring
together the thoughts of three prominent philosophers and critically reflect on
their understanding of the role of reason in tradeitional, modern and/or
postmodern human development. Then
I will outline a few of the key philosophic issues that would need to be
addressed in the development of such a project.
From the perspective of Jurgen Habermas, it is precisely the breakdown of
an originary unexamined core of fundamental beliefs and values, and the
resulting expansion of the power of reason in human development, that leads from
'tradition' to 'modernity'. In The
Philosophical Discourse of Modernity, Habermas refers to what he calls a
"communicative thawing," in which "the authority of
tradition," is increasingly subjected to public discussion and critique
[quoted in Hoy/McCarthy '94, p.46]. This breakdown ushers in increasingly
reflective communicative processes which at least implicitly acknowledge a set
of values that point towards a progressive rationalization of human life and
society. Habermas acknowledges that
such processes can be, and, in fact, obviously are being, distorted and
manipulated by political and economic interests which, in effect, are exercising
a hegemonic hold on human development at this moment of our history. However,
for Habermas, the progressive values of modern reason in human history, though
negated, are inevitably acknowledged in the very practices of hegemonic
distortion and manipulation. Thus, as opposed to modernity's postmodern and
postcolonial critics, such as M. Foucault, J. Derrida, R. Rorty, L. Outlaw, T.
Serequeberhan, et. al., Habermas still sees this historical process as holding
out the traditional modern European promise of the 'Enlightenment'.
Says Habermas:
The
more the worldview that furnishes the cultural stock of knowledge is decentered,
the less the need for understanding is covered in advance by an interpreted
lifeworld immune from critique, and the more this need has to be met by the
interpretive accomplishments of the participants themselves, that is, by way of
risky (because rationally motivated) agreement, the more frequently we can
expect rational action orientations [Habermas, Theory of Communicative Action,
Beacon Press, 1984, p.70].
In terms of
our project, I would just suggest at this point that, Habermas's
"communicative thawing" might take the form of a more consciously
achieved "subjective break" as Earnest Wamba-diaWamba, suggests in the
development of his concept of "emancipatory politics [Wamba, E., Democracy,
Multipartyism and Emancipative Politics in Africa: The Case of Zaire,
African Development, Vol. XVIII, No. 4, 1993, p.96]."
This point will be further developed in the final draft of this paper.
For now, we need to clarify the meaning and significance of "the
interpretive accomplishments of the participants themselves," which brings
into focus the critical distinction Habermas makes bewteen accountability and
autonomy.
Thomas McCarthy, in a book he coauthored with David Hoy, entitled
Critical Theory, makes this distinction quite clear and in a way that directly
relates to a similar distinction in Oruka's sage philosophy project. Says
McCarthy:
I
shall use accountability to designate an agent's capacity to engage in practical
reasoning of the sorts required for everyday interaction, that is, roughly
speaking, her ability to offer (typically conventional) accounts of her
behaviour and to assess other's accounts of theirs (usually by reference to
conventional standards). Accountability in this sense is a minimum requirement
for rational agency. I will use autonomy to designate an agent's capacity to
engage in critical reflective discourse concerning the justifiability of
established or proposed norms and beliefs. Autonomy in this sense is central to
the stronger sort of rational agency that Kant referred to as Mundikeit, the
capacity to think for oneself [McCarthy/Hoy '94, p.44].
Oruka makes
an extremely similar distinction between 'folk' and 'philosophic' sages in the
development of his project. Thus,
the two philosophers appear to be grappling with the same paradigmatically
philosophical questions and these questions are the very ones we need to address
in relation to hegemony and globalization.
In his sage philosophy project, Oruka, while valueing "folk
sages" and what Habermas would call rational "accountability," is
most concerned to find "philosophic sages" and give expression to
those who have achieved a level of what Habermas calls "autonomy" in
relation to their community. A folk sage, "though well informed and
educative, fails to go beyond the celebrated folk-wisdom." Whereas, a
philosophic sage is capable of making "an independent critical assessment
of what the people [of his or her community] take for granted [Oruka, H.O., Sage
Philosophy, Sagacious Reasoning, Graness and Kresse (eds) '99, p.61]."
In our concern for counter-hegemonic methodologies this would be a key
criteria for assesing our own success.
For us, it is important to recognize that the proposed project would be a
mutually counter-hegemonic process. It
is not a question of an 'enlightened' academically trained philosopher seeking
out potentially 'enlightened' sages. Nor
is the purpose of the project to uncover some authentic perspective untainted by
the hegemony we are trying to challenge as Oruka himself sometimes characterized
his project in Africa. The thrust
of the project would be realized through establishing ongoing processes of
engagement beyond the university, outside of the profession, on the current
margins - so to speak, and thus institutionalizing processes within the
university and other research centers capable of challenging the hegemonic
regimes of truth within which we are enmeshed
We should keep in mind that the goal here is not just philosophical
prowess but effective counter-hegemonic insights and practices in relation to
the nature of human development and globalization.
Thus to be effective a whole network of insitutionalized relations would
need to be developed between various centers of research, universities,
development agencies of the United Nations, NGOs, governments, etc.
Before going any further, however, I want to come back to a central
weakness of Habermas's position in relation to his distinction between
'traditional' and 'modern' societies referred to above.
In the penultimate chapter of Tradition and Modernity, Gyekye reflects on
H. B. Acton's definition of tradition as "a belief or practice transmitted
from one generation to another and accepted as authoritative, or deferred to,
without argument [Gyekye, K., Oxford University Press, 19'97, p.219]."
According to such a definition, it is clear that tradition would seem to fall
within Habermas's realm of accountability and Oruka's notion of folk sagacity,
thus a traditional society would be one devoid of the autonomous philosophic
exercise of sagacious reason. However, Gyekye challenges this concept of
tradition and insists that traditional values and practices are not just 'passed
on' or 'transmitted', but more importantly they are cultural products that have
been accepted and preserved by successive generations. Says Gyekye:
The
forebears'the previous generations'do not 'transmit' their cultural creations as
such; what they do, rather, is to place them at the disposal of subsequent
generations. But the subsequent generations may, on normative or other rational
grounds, either accept, refine, and preserve them or spurn, depreciate and, then
abandon them [Gyekye '97, p.221].
If Gyekye is
right then Habermas's conception of 'traditional' society is, as Emmanuel Eze,
Lucius Outlaw, and others have argued still mired in the paradigm of an invented
Eurocentric idea of Africa described so well by V.Y. Mudimbe.
This reconceptualization of how we understand 'traditional' values and
practices as a critical appopriation of Habermas's distinction between
'accountability' and 'autonomy', and Oruka's distinction between 'folk' and
'philosophic' sages, brings into focus the role of reason and in human
development and the potential for a more philosophically informed approach to
dealing with the issues we are confronting in relation to hegemony and
globalization.
A
Few Specific Issues
Obviously such a global, intercultural and intracultural project will
need to clarify the status of any claims to truth that might emerge from our
work. From my perspective I can discern four major aspects of this
question. I am sure there are
others that will dawn on the horizons, or perhaps abruptly disclose themselves
in the center, of our discussions. For
now I would just like to refer to each briefly.
One question would have to do the reconceptualization of 'truth' that has
emerged from the work of Heidegger and Gadmer.
Burhanettin Tatar has written what I think is a truly wonderful paper
titled Interpretation and the Problem of the Intention of the Author: H.-G.
Gadamer vs E.D. Hirsch, which can be found on the website of the Council for
Research in Values and Philosophy. In
that paper he suggests that:
"From
this perspective, it can be argued that if every truth is finite, i.e., limited,
and uncovering is a process, then originality of uncoveredness refers to nothing
else than the distinctive aspect and uniqueness of a being uncovered [http://www.crvp.org]."
In this limited introduction I cannot even begin to elaborate the
implications of such insights for a globalized sage philosophy project.
However, let me just say that the concept of truth which emerges from
these kind of hermenuetical investigations could be extremely helpful in
understanding the nature of what we would be doing. I would venture to change one word from my quotation of Tatar
above in applying this understanding to a counter-hegemonic projection within
the process of globalization. What
we would be seeking to uncover is an originality
of a becoming - a dynamic unfolding in the heart of globalization.
We have never been here before. True,
as Heraclitus reminds us, this can always be said.
And I am familiar with Foucault's, and others', warnings about the
tendency to always see 'our' age as an end or pivotal turning point in human
development. But, I think globalization and its enormous potentials and
dangers is such a moment. For the
first time in human history we have an opportunity to create a global philosophy
rather than lay false claim to some self-interested 'universality'.
At another point in his paper, Tatar emphasizes that "truth is
distinctive and thus surprises us . . . we accept that truth does not occur
exactly in the way we anticipated. It is beyond our control and always
transcends our expectations [ibid.]."
I expect we would find the truth of our globalized human condition would
indeed, if successfully counter-hegemonic, inevitably and necessarily transcend
our expectations.
The danger, of course, is that rather than disclosing a liberative
becoming in globalization, once again ideas and values would be invented in
relation to powerful and particular interests [See V.Y. Mudimbe, The Invention
of Africa]. This danger raises the
second and third questions concerning our concept of truth mentioned above.
Namely, 'truth' as "uncoerced consensus" and 'truth' as a
projection of power produced through particular regimes and institutions -
Habermas and Foucualt.
Now, at this point, because it is probably quite obvious to all of you
that these various approaches to 'truth' have been the subject of a good deal of
academic debate and are in some ways mutually exclusive, I should explain what I
am suggesting about the concept of truth which I think would emerge in a
globalized sage philosophy project. The
apparently contradictory nature of these various approaches, in my opinion,
demonstrates the need for this kind of a project, if we are to develop effective
counter-hegemonic intellectual practices.
We could continue to write countless articles and books debating among
ourselves the merits of the questions raised.
This indeed is what we, including myself, for the most part have been
doing. Most of us are well aware of this reality and feel frustrated
by the vicious academic circle within which we seem to be trapped.
We earn our living functioning within the very regimes of truth which
have established and are maintaining the hegemony that we claim to be
challenging.
To continue, a fourth aspect of the question of 'truth' in terms of the
relation between 'opinion' and 'knowledge' can be usefully approached through
the debates which developed in African Philosophy between Kwasi Wiredu and Henry
Odera Oruka in their shared quest to decolonize African Philosophy.
The clarification of our concept of truth as the project develops will
naturally, in my opinion, lead to a clarification of our ideology.
"Our ideology!?," I hear many of you incredually gasp.
Yes, our ideology. In this
brief introductory paper let me quickly defend the urgency of this question by
referring to Kwame Gyekye's definition of ideology and then making a few
observations.
An ideology, says Gyekye, is
based in a "set of ideas about the nature of the good society . . . it is
intended to address the way things ought to be, not the way they actually are
[ibid., p.164]." It seems
obvious to me that if we are talking about effective counter hegemonic
philosophical and scientific practices, then surely we have to include the
development of powerful ideas concerning the way things ought to be.
In fact a good deal of the problematic of developing a critical theory of
society has had to do with the impossibility of criticizing what is, without
presupposing the validity of some values and ideas concerning the way things
ought to be. Our awareness of these
methodological implications ought to require us to make the counter factual
aspects of our intellectual pracices explicit and open to critical reflection.
This indeed is one of the reason why critical theoriest like Habermas
have emphasized the reflexive nature of their work in both criticizing any
positivistic tendencies to deny the value laden nature of their work in the
social sciences and humanities and to posit "will formation in common"
as a central componet of their own work. I
will return to the centrality of this aspect of Habermas's conception in the
final version of this paper. However,
let me indicate here that I believe ideological discussion and debate, and an
ongoing commitment to critical, reconstructive, and openended consensus would
emerge as a key element in this project.
And finally in relation to the above questions of 'truth' and 'ideology'
I want to mention the epistemological problematic in general.
I would expect that as the project developed an implicit epistemological
position would need to be elaborated and become a central concern of the
process. Perhaps I can briefly
indicate its character by referring to the development of liberation theology in
Latin America.
In his work, Ignacio Ellacuria suggested that 'the poor' constitute a
special and privileged "lugar teologico" for understanding the reality
of Latin America and, what for Father Ellacuria, was the historical and
dialectical nature of Divine Love and the Christian promise of salvation as
manifested in Jesus's - the Son of God's, redemtive sacrifice.
This becomes clear, argued Ellacuria, when we realize: first, that wealth
creates poverty; and second, that 'the poor' constitute "the immense
majority of humanity . . . the
actuality and the universality of our problem [Ellacruia, I., Iglsia de Los
Pobres, 1987 (+/-), p.160]." Today,
we must examine to what degree, and how it is, that in the production of such
enormous wealth, the current social and economic structures of globalization are
creating new forms of dehumanizing and crippling poverty.
For a globalized sage philosophy project, liberation theology might
suggest a kind liberation epistemolgy. One
working hypothesis might be that the promise of reason in history - and/or the
positive promise of globalization, can be epistemologically brought into
reflective and reflexive focus only from the perspective of those whose lives
express the unrealized and dialectical nature of that promise in human history.
As intellectuals from a diversity of cultures I believe we all carry
within us ideals such as Compassion, Ren, Justice, Ubuntu, Democracy, Islam,
Communion, etc. that weigh heavily on our souls in our daily work.
As Ellacuria expressed it, "those who do not struggle against the
negation of [our highest ideals], do not struggle for communion [their
historical realization]; those who do not effectively combat it [the negation],
do not really desire the truth of communion [ibid., p.161."
In this brief introduction I can only suggest some of the reasons that I
believe that a globalized sage philosophy project is not only a good idea in
relation to the challenge to develop counter-hegemonic intellectual practices
within globalization; I believe that something like this project is a necessary
condition for an effective counter-hegemonic practice.