It is possible to imagine the whole and its parts separately. But it is unimaginable not to feel regret, were they to be forever separated.
The whole feels its parts and the parts sense the whole.
To break a rock or cut down a tree with its branches not only causes sorrow in the heart of an observer, but leaves an internal aspiration to return to the initial state. Every broken or separated whole seeks to be united, to be the whole, consisting of parts.
Spontaneously or artificially separated parts of the whole will never become the whole itself, that is, the same whole as it was before; to become the whole a thing or event loses its essence and quality and appears as an essentially new creature. That is why the part has been insisting on returning to the whole or becoming part of the unity.
The whole and its parts are a firm union and if something threatens it, or the whole cannot stand its parts any more, or the parts lose the feeling of wholeness, or some other forces from outside destroy it, then everything is ruined and vanishes. There is no whole and no parts, there is no essence and form, what is lacks form and point.
Georgian writers and philosophers often compared the Georgian Nation to a castle or temple situated on the top of a hill. God will settle there, the temple will continuously open its divine world due to its position, beauty and value and invites God in. But unfortunately, the Georgian nation is compared to a destroyed temple whose dome has crumbled and whose walls are cracked.. Such a temple can not open its divine world and invite God to come and settle there.
The aim of Georgians today is to revive and consolidate the temple. Georgia has been trying to revolt for two hundred years and today, revolted and independent, wants to become whole. Every means is good to raise up nation to achieve its aim, freedom, but even in these conditions there exist ways or the rules of playing the game. Today, with the different from Machiavelli’s time, there is international cooperation and therefore changed international rules of play. So in the process of the unification of the nation, and the building of the state, there always emerges the eternal question of being in a certain, acknowledged, way or not being.
The
main symbol of Georgian national culture is Amiran,
Georgian, Caucasian Prometheus, punished and chained to a
rock by the pagan idol. The mythological image
of Amiran has moved to the Georgian folklore and literature since ancient times
and has changed many times. In the medieval
(XII) centuries it became a
chivalric novel. In the XIX-th
century, as in European literature Prometheus, Amiran,
was given by the
Georgian poets the function of liberation (from Russian slavery).
According to the Georgian researchers of Amiran there is preserved an ancient mythological type: a dragon swallows Amiran; Amiran cuts his stomach and comes out, opening a way for the sun to come out. Thus Amiran is the ancient archetype, or symbol of death, resurrection and eternal renovation. This is the main cultural symbol of Georgians, and influences its socio-political and cultural history.
The ancient Greek-Caucasian mythology of death and resurrection, sunrise and sunset, changing of summer into winter, has become for Georgia the everlasting fight, victory and liberation from slavery.
In Georgian writings there have been Biblical Allusions from the time Christianity was pronounced the state religion, (IVc.) and the first Georgian hagiological (Vc.) and literary works, up till today, as is natural for Christian literature. But most frequent is the allusion of the deer drinking water from the spring. Its meaning often is changed but is generally compared to the thirst for freedom and release from conquest. Besides, there is another popular allusion of a Shepherd who abandons his flock and goes to rescue the lost lamb.
These
moral suggestions are very familiar and native for Georgians as Christians and
Christianity was the
salvation not only of
the souls of the Georgian people but
of their physical existence and identity. This
moral view was followed
by the Georgian thought or social life until the end of the XIX-th
or the beginning of XX-th
century, and even
later.
Thus, since the pagan period the symbol of the Georgian culture and of Georgian Christian ideology in search its goal reflects personal effort, personal devotion and morality. Georgian history knows multiple examples, when the national identity was rescued due to the moral commitment of individual martyrs or heroes; even during the national uprisings the moral sample was considered more valuable, than the gaining battle.
Since the middle of the XIX-th century the national culture bigan to awake and develop in Georgia. This was in rough reaction against Russian chauvinistic but skillfully disguised policy. Georgian writers and one part of the public called for the hero fighting for freedom from antique epoch and at the same time used the slogan of western liberalism, “Liberty, Fraternity, Equality”. The meaning of such a mixture was that the aim of the XIX-th century Georgian nation, freedom, brotherhood and equality, should be achieved by personal effort and moral stamina. This was the first attempt to mix the traditional faith with liberal ideas.
Unfortunately, from the 70-s of the XIX-th century the socialist and social-democratic organizations introduced into Georgia from Russia, seized this slogan, depicted it on their red flag, raised the issue of opposition of classes and began to prepare for the revolution, for liberation of proletariat by means of mass rebellion.
The reaction of Georgian culture against revolutionary progress and mass subculture was a new national idea. This had, on the one hand, to help the disfigured liberal idea and the slogan and, on the other hand, to oppose the revolutionary, mass way of thinking.
The leader of the national movement, writer, Ilia Chavchavadze offered a new slogan, “Motherland, Language, Faith”. At the same time, he advanced a theory against the conflict of classes, which was an ideology of class equality and mutual support. That was not the theory of revolution and fight, but of the creation and development of national state. A hero fighting for freedom together with his followers had to liberate their land, Georgia, only by means of creativity, personal effort and moral example, the development of the Georgian language, and culture and fidelity to Christian Religious belief and morality.
This theory spread very quickly in Georgia, in spite of having restricted resources and bilateral attacks, from the government and socialist movements. It is significant that this movement did not grow into nationalism despite the existing real conditions and reinforced nationalistic ideology on the international field. Nationalistic tendencies has never been popular in Georgia.
In
1907 communist-terrorists assasinated
Ilia Chavchavadze.
The Georgian poet Galaktion Tabidze writes, that after the assassination of Ilia Chavchavadze a great epoch ended in Georgia. The Moral and Cultural age ended , and there began a revolutionary, anti cultural, immoral age. Idealistic philosophy changed into materialistic ideology. There disappeared the nation, its’ constituent parts, moral heroes and there appeared class conflict, revolution and antiheroes. The leader of the Georgian social-democratic party, Noe Jordania, declared after Ilia Cavchavadze’s death: „When you cut a tree chips fall over“. Thus the humane was neglected and the masses adored.
The new revolutionary, mass ideology, the new pagan idol did not chain Amiran to the Caucasian mountains, but it killed him and tried to end the Georgian culture and the nation as well.
During the three thousand years of the existence of the Georgian nation, out of three parts (Land, Language, Faith) most frequently two (Language, Faith) or one (Faith or language) were survivors of the Georgian nation and culture and have been trying to restore the lost parts.
The communists decided to destroy the three, destroy the whole, or, in other words, the nation, and to eliminate its parts. In exchange there emerged a formless, groundless weapon for the realization of organized chaos: the masses and their antihuman expression, revolution. The XX century proceeded on the opposition of these two: national, idealistic philosophy vs class, materialistic ideology.
Throughout its existence the Georgian nation had never been so depressed as in the XX century. Communists literally destroyed the Georgian Christian Church, so that it could not raise until the end of the century, they destroyed anything connected with national public life, killed the best part of Georgian thinkers and tried to change the Georgian elite culture into a mass culture. Instead of creating a hero thirsting for freedom, they made an antihero fighting for the victory of world revolution, ready to give in or kill his parents or relatives at the first order of the revolution. He is ready to become a bolt in the state machine and ignore his divine value, the soul.
In the first part of XX century Georgian literature there is described this killing of the soul (G. Robakidze, K. Gamsakhurdia) , the physical and moral degradation of Georgian intellectuals, depression of a working man, destruction of traditions (M. Javakhishvili). Historical novels describe the character of ancient heroes with nostalgia and thirst for a moral hero(Vasil Barnovi). The Georgian theatre and cinema are on the same path. Everything is happening in Georgian culture, which had been hidden from the ever watchful eye of the communist party. That was, of course, incredible for the communist regime tried to command the whole of culture and to control it. And this was achieved in every branch of social and economic life, but never totally achieved in culture. In spite of good finances in every branch of mass culture for those adhearing to communist way of life, and in spite of its repression and destruction of those who thought differently, they were not able to suppress the intellectual reaction, in the elite literature (cinema and theatre). Not only the intellectual section of the Georgian people, but ordinary people as well objected. Though weak , unorganized and inert this opposition with the help of moral and traditional culture, managed to assume the function of the Georgian mythological archetype; it did rescue the fire brought for the people by the hero, who strove for freedom.
In the second half of the XX-th century, during the warming of Khrushchev’s time and later, it become easier for the national-cultural reaction in Georgia. Writers (O. Chkheidze, J. Karchkhadze, G. Gegeshidze, G. Dochanashvili, T. Bibiluri, T. Chanturia and others), whose creation were neither familiar nor understandable but hateful for the followers of the communist regime, with the great difficulty were able to publish their books. Thus they could expose vividly the faulty, antihuman sides of the regime.
At the end of the XX-th century, when the Soviet Union was destroyed and Georgia become an independent country, there was some hope of overcoming the crises of the parts, but unfortunately the new government appeared very weak, it lost power over the economy and the order within the country. The split between the government and culture did not diminish; but antagonisms and mutual unacceptability increased.
The last ten years of the XX-th century and the beginning of the XXI-th century should be called the period of “revolutions”. However, it is the question whether even one real revolution took place.
The results of the revolution of 1917 must have been so inspiring and for some people even pleasant, that this notion and event is still popular and accepted among Georgian politicians.
The Georgian national-liberation movement could not have been loved and was hated by proletariat revolution, as it made Georgia lose its independence. However the leader of national-liberation movement and the first president of the independent Georgian state, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, on quite vague grounds, perhaps in the joy of victory after the democratic elections of 1990, called the victory of democratic political forces and the defeat of the communist regime in Georgia, “The Bloodless revolution”. Thus, unconsciously, he pushed the rise of illegality and violence in Georgia. Which was fatal for himself as well and in 1991- 1992 there was a bloody coup d’etat in Georgia.
After some months Edward Shevardnadze arrived, who called these events “The Democratic Revolution”. By this he paid tribute to its organizers and encouraged their illegal actions.
In November of 2003 the leading personalities of the Georgian government organized mass actions to express their protest against the fraudulent elections and forced the President of Georgia to resign. This was coup d’etat inside the palace on the background of mass rallies, but its organizer, the new president of Georgia, Mikheil Saakashvili called it the“velvet”, or “Rose Revolution”. Though there was no blood in this “revolution”, but it started a series of low breaking activities, which are still going on in the name of the revolution. The worst fault of the “Rose Revolution” was that the newly elected president restricted the parliament, changed the constitution, assumed great power, and factually and formally submitted the court. Thus he actually abolished the division of government in Georgia.
With the help of international organizations, which brought grants, there were founded many NGOs. Their aim was to support civil society and strengthen liberal democracy. Instead they took part in the overthrow of the existent corrupted regime and helped establish a new radical regime equally corrupt. With some exceptions there emerged cold, prudent technocrats or ignorant, irritable and ruthless executors, who will obey only the orders of their bosses.
Liberalism nowadays is extremely popular in Georgia, but the positive changes are not yet visible. The creation of civil society and the establishment of liberal-democratic principles is an honorable duty of intellectual personalities. Revolution is the field of the revolutionary masses, ignorant non persons. Hence we should not expect in the nearest future people with a liberal education and traditional values to emerge legally in the government.
The new government actually abolished elected local government, discharging the elected mayors and instead appointed their own people. On the whole, the fact is, that, if before democratic institutions in Georgia was at least simulated, the new government abolished all democratic institutions except the President and the already simulated parliament.
Fear of the local government and the elected regional leaders arose at the very moment when it became necessary to elect them.. Local elections had not been wanted by the first president of Georgia and this was not surprising, because he feared what he did not know. The same was true with the second president, who had broad political experience, but did not know the principles of democracy. Today’s president of Georgia who was educated in The United States of America, is still afraid of the appearance of regional leaders.
In brief, Georgian politics is experiencing rainy weather of absolute centralization with no sign of clearing.The panic for centralization has very serious grounds. Because of double policy of Russia. Georgia has its two large regions seperated. The government with its lost territories has to prove at home and abroad that Georgia is one integral country, that must never be divided, and that the separatist movement has no legal or ethnic basis. This is true; but it is the crises of the parts.
Immediately after the “rose revolution” the future president of Georgia divided the population into two parts: those who „got on his train“ and those who did not wish to do so. The latter were declared as not reliable. One of his most active followers did not delay to call political opposition lepers. In a traditionally democratic country this could have remained a crude declaration, but in Georgia, where physical annihilation of political opponents was normal in the recent past, such declarations do not disappear without traces. Georgia has just emerged from a totalitarian regime, with people of destroyed consciences and sick with Soviet individualism. They are marginal. The illprepared effort to awake civil responsibility in them awaketh past disease of denounciations. People do not form to expose criminals, but report on each other due to jealousy and personal conflicts.
This is the result of the, so called, “new revolutions”; those are qualitatively different from the old, bloody revolutions, but act in the same spirit. They threaten one as a person, they forget the moral hero fighting for freedom and instead worship masses. It is obvious that because of the new revolutions the development of democracy will be delayed for some years in Georgia.
A man released from the Soviet collective farms, or “animal farms”, was introduced to the new associations and made a member of a new social union. He has neither time nor right to reflect but became a slave of pseudo liberalism or simulated liberalism. Personal morality crashes with collective morality once again and is defeated in the post Soviet period. Liberalism, is the idea of liberation of a man, but pseudo liberalism is now a weapon for strengthening the authority.
In spite of many faults, in the present policy of Georgian government there are notable positive tendencies. For example, there is no lack of will and courage in these young people. They want succeed mainly in restoring the territorial integrity of Georgia and to create an economically powerful state. This, they say, is the reason they centralize governmental forces and speak of radical etatism . That means, that of the three main Georgian principles the main point is “Motherland” or territories and the economic aspect of the country, which is the focal part of today’s Georgian crisis. The government takes upon itself the task of resolving this crisis. At present the government will not have enough resources for anything else. Saving “Language and Faith” is left to Georgian culture and Church. This is the traditional division and maybe the way out of the crisis. However, post Soviet democratic countries, seems to have very difficalt economic and mental inheritance. The governments of the post Soviet countries are jealous and try to guard against culture and Church. This kind of supervision was inevitable in the Soviet system.
Hence,
the government of the independent Georgia could not manage to win even a little
trust from
Georgian writers for
the last fifteen years. This,
probably,
was the
reason that the joy received from independence gradually vanished
and national nihilism became
dominant.
Georgian authors continue
to criticize the government and depict
it as, problematic. At the same time there is an
ongoing search for a hero fighting for freedom, who is depressed and
chained by the authority (O. Chkheidze “The Obedient”)
Finally, it should be said, that in Georgia, in the process of fighting for national union, the crisis of the parts is strained and that one remarkable tendency is noticable at the dawn of the XXI century.
The Georgian government in spite of a declared western orientation and desire to be integrated into the global processes, still fears taking active steps. This proves continuously that the transitional period in Georgia is not finished. They think that they will be able to save themselves and make the country whole again by means of strengthening of their power. Having come to the government in the name of liberal democracy they did not want to hear anything about democratic reforms.
Georgian writers and the intellectual part of the nation doubt the progress of globalization, but actually are not afraid of progress. They look forward to the preparing a mythical hero, who will work and create. And during this expectation there are many personal moral deeds, heroes and martyrs in the cultural, public and political life, of XX-th century Georgian history.
This
perhaps naďve
expectation will come true rather
than the pragmatic political calculations. Anyway this process has been
going on more than two thousand years.
P.S.
On discussing whether there is hope for cultures in a time of globalization there arises the question: where is the hope for the cultures of small nations, e.g. Georgian culture? I think the answer is, that actually there is no hope!
But if we’ll take under consideration not only hopes, but also the ambitions of the so called small cultures, the discourse changes in direction and another question arises: Where is hidden the mystic power which helped Georgian culture survive for thousands of years, not only as an ethnical, but as a national culture?
First, Georgia is the ancient country where the Argonauts came in search of the Golden Fleece; this symbol surely stimulates thought.
Second, it is written down in the oldest Georgian annals, the Georgian historians and writers believed, and modern Georgian writer Rostom Chkheidze, in his recently published book “Missing Chaldea”, still believes , that this power dwells in memory, that the ancient Georgian tribes came to the Caucasus and settled (or perhaps were stuck) between two seas and two mountain ridges from the ancient Chaldea, and suggests, that it should be rediscovered and reestablished in the national memory, as a symbol of endurance and hope of better future, but this is another symbol and another story . . .
Notes
Nikolai
Berdiaef „Human Fate in the Modern World“
Elias
Canetty „Crowds and Power“
Rostom
Chkheidze „The Tale of Amiran“, „Missing Chaldea“
Jose
Ortega y Gassett „The Revolt of The Masses“
Martin
Heideger „Der Usprung des Kunstwerkes“
Geronti
Kikodze „Essays“
Lossef
A.F. „The Problem of a
Symbol and the Realistic Art“
Nicollo
Machiavelly „The Prince“
Virgil
Nemoianu „A Theory of
the Secondary“
Plato
„The Republic“